When advocacy organizations are forbidden from rallying people to take to the streets, what do they do? When activists are detained for coordinating protests, are their hands ultimately tied? Based on political ethnography inside both legal and blacklisted labor organizations in China, this book reveals how state repression is deployed on the ground and to what effect on mobilization. It presents a novel dynamic of civil society contention - mobilizing without the masses - that lowers the risk of activism under duress. Instead of facilitating collective action, activists coach the aggrieved to challenge authorities one by one. In doing so, they lower the risks of organizing while empowering the weak. This dynamic represents a third pathway of contention that challenges conventional understandings of mobilization in an illiberal state. It takes readers inside the world of underground labor organizing and opens the black box of repression inside the world's most powerful authoritarian state.
Diana Fu is Assistant Professor of Asian Politics at the University of Toronto. This book builds upon her dissertation research at the University of Oxford where she studied as a Rhodes Scholar. Previously, she was a Walter H. Shorenstein Postdoctoral Fellow at Stanford University, California and a pre-doctoral fellow at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Her research has been supported by the Harold Hyam Wingate Foundation, the Chiang Ching Kuo Foundation, and the Rhodes Trust. Her academic articles have been published in Comparative Political Studies, Governance, and Modern China, among others. Her writing and research have appeared in The Economist, Foreign Affairs, The Washington Post, The Boston Review, PostGlobal, and Nicholas Kristof's 'On the Ground' Blog for The New York Times.
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本書討論的問題是,在一個非自由的威權政體下,勞工組織是如何實現動員的(換言之,其動員策略為何)。其經驗研究是基於20(out of 72)個中國“非法”勞工組織的近兩年的實地調查,裏麵有一些有趣的細節。在理論上,其動員理論不同於既有的兩大主流文獻,一是作為集體行動的社會抗爭動員;二是作為弱者武器的社會抗爭動員。Diana認為她所發現的“Mobilizing without the Masses (MWTM)”模式是介於兩者之間的。MWTM不同於大規模集體行動,因為這在擁有強大國傢能力的非自由政體會很危險;MWTM同樣不同於弱者的武器(盡量不能被當權者察覺,例如摸魚、消極怠工),而是希望make a scene,從而使自身的問題得到解決。同時,作者還自嘲瞭英國式政治學博士論文與美國的風格差異。
评分第六章-atomized action原來都是為瞭達成目的導演好的。有的時候的確需要撒潑,像李敖講的,纏著他,粘著他,摺騰他,讓他為我們服務。
评分和the pedagogy of the oppressed放一起看,棒
评分越看literature越接近自己想要做的研究,是好事還是壞事? 從organization的角度看contention的literature還是比較少的。不過說實話這些practice嚴格意義上來說算不算mobilization其實不好說。fragmented control和competitive control是兩個很好的model,但case study能提供的說辭太淺薄瞭。沒有看到很強烈的competition也沒看到各個state actors之間的conflicts。後期的對於organization strategies的描寫同樣很白描。給我political science的寫作風格就是如此的感覺。
评分作者給我的感覺是已經帶著立場在寫(雖然立場或許沒有錯),情緒敘事都到位瞭,但一看底座就兩根木頭。第一部分的背景介紹感覺與第二部分的銜接度不高,對行政體係的研究太少,組織形成與framing都隻是簡單的以“哪裏有壓迫,哪裏就有反抗”迴答,與我的預期有齣入,反而是她的講disguised collective action的論文對我更有啓發,或許是沒想到以作者書中所寫的範圍而言,能寫成一本書吧……不過我語言水平有限,看得比較敷衍,希望沒有太多誤讀吧。
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