吉奥乔·阿甘本,1942年出生于罗马,当代最具影响力的欧陆思想家之一,其思想承继海德格尔与本雅明,研究涵盖哲学、语言学、美学、政治与神学。代表作为《神圣之人:主权力量与赤裸生命》(1995),追溯当代主权与生命政治结构的哲学—历史系谱。晚近的重要作品则有《王国与荣光:一个对于经济与治理的神学系谱学考察》以及《至贫:修道院规约与生活形式》。
薛熙平,台湾交通大学社会与文化研究所博士生。曾以《例外状态:阿冈本思想中的法与生命》为题完成硕士论文目前研究领域为精神医疗人类学。合译有朗西埃的《歧义》。
Two months after the attacks of 9/11, the Bush administration, in the midst of what it perceived to be a state of emergency, authorized the indefinite detention of noncitizens suspected of terrorist activities and their subsequent trials by a military commission. Here, distinguished Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben uses such circumstances to argue that this unusual extension of power, or "state of exception," has historically been an underexamined and powerful strategy that has the potential to transform democracies into totalitarian states.
The sequel to Agamben's "Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, State of Exception" is the first book to theorize the state of exception in historical and philosophical context. In Agamben's view, the majority of legal scholars and policymakers in Europe as well as the United States have wrongly rejected the necessity of such a theory, claiming instead that the state of exception is a pragmatic question. Agamben argues here that the state of exception, which was meant to be a provisional measure, became in the course of the twentieth century a normal paradigm of government. Writing nothing less than the history of the state of exception in its various national contexts throughout Western Europe and the United States, Agamben uses the work of Carl Schmitt as a foil for his reflections as well as that of Derrida, Benjamin, and Arendt.
In this highly topical book, Agamben ultimately arrives at original ideas about the future of democracy and casts a new light on the hidden relationship that ties law to violence.
阿甘本的法学学位与哲学之路:从最远处折返。 阿甘本在罗马大学法学毕业之后,往哲学的方向发展,参加了马丁·海德格尔的专门讨论赫拉克利特和黑格尔的勒托尔研讨班,又成为伦敦大学瓦伯格研究所的研究人员。在哲学、语言哲学、美学领域研究。从1995年又回头探讨法的问题:结合...
评分 评分一、例外状态与主权者 1919年的德国《魏玛宪法》第48条规定:“若德国境内之公共秩序与安全遭受到严重地扰乱或威胁,帝国总统得采取为重建安全与公共秩序所必要之措施,需要时并得动用武力。为此目的其得全部或部分地悬置第114、115、117、118、123、124及135条所规定之基本权...
太偏思辨的一些部分还是看不大懂
评分第四章太救命了……大致摸到点线索,接下来要鼓起勇气看第一部。
评分第四章是全书的文旨。 对施密特政治神学的补完和修正:例外状态非但不是奇迹,反而是灾难(catastrophe)—>依循本雅敏的思路寻找无目的的手段(pure means)也就是类似本雅敏的纯粹暴力/语言的纯粹法。再次见到"play" "use"的概念,阿甘本在其他地方多次提到"profane",但在这里似乎没有展开说明如何才能摆脱例外状态。 新左派任重道远啊。 4.5 但说实话我对他想推及的政治任务没有什么太多的想法,或许正因为没有stakes不感兴趣所以一直读不进阿甘本吧。看了他关于新冠肺炎的社论,就……理解他的出发点,但只能感慨再精巧的理论也仍会被现实的复杂击破。
评分201506/-2015/07,欠下的读书债迟早都会还
评分怎么感觉豆瓣上这本书的书评显得尤其不靠谱啊???
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