In the The Confucian-Legalist State, Dingxin Zhao offers a radically new analysis of Chinese imperial history from the eleventh century BCE to the fall of the Qing dynasty. This study first uncovers the factors that explain how, and why, China developed into a bureaucratic empire under the Qin dynasty in 221 BCE. It then examines the political system that crystallized during the Western Han dynasty, a system that drew on China's philosophical traditions of Confucianism and Legalism. Despite great changes in China's demography, religion, technology, and socioeconomic structures, this Confucian-Legalist political system survived for over two millennia. Yet, it was precisely because of the system's resilience that China, for better or worse, did not develop industrial capitalism as Western Europe did, notwithstanding China's economic prosperity and technological sophistication beginning with the Northern Song dynasty.
In examining the nature of this political system, Zhao offers a new way of viewing Chinese history, one that emphasizes the importance of structural forces and social mechanisms in shaping historical dynamics. As a work of historical sociology, The Confucian-Legalist State aims to show how the patterns of Chinese history were not shaped by any single force, but instead by meaningful activities of social actors which were greatly constrained by, and at the same time reproduced and modified, the constellations of political, economic, military, and ideological forces. This book thus offers a startling new understanding of long-term patterns of Chinese history, one that should trigger debates for years to come among historians, political scientists, and sociologists.
Dingxin Zhao is Professor of Sociology at the University of Chicago and the author of several books, including the award-winning Power of Tiananmen (University of Chicago Press, 2001).
赵鼎新的新书《儒法国家:中国历史的新理论》(以下简称“赵书”)是一本内容极其丰富的专著。①从时间上说,此书主要检查(examine)了古代中国自西周至西汉的历史,但也延伸到整个古代中国,即19世纪西方列强到达中国之前的中国历史。这本书检查和冲击了学术界、知识界近年来...
评分美国学者从进入幼儿园到博士毕业几乎没有接触过中国历史(事实上,典型的美国学生对易洛魁人①的了解比对整个亚洲的了解还要多),这是少有例外的。这种无知导致的一个悲哀的后果便是比较历史社会学家和比较政治学家所构建的理论都不涉及中国。我们的国家形成理论与帝国比较研...
评分美国学者从进入幼儿园到博士毕业几乎没有接触过中国历史(事实上,典型的美国学生对易洛魁人①的了解比对整个亚洲的了解还要多),这是少有例外的。这种无知导致的一个悲哀的后果便是比较历史社会学家和比较政治学家所构建的理论都不涉及中国。我们的国家形成理论与帝国比较研...
评分美国学者从进入幼儿园到博士毕业几乎没有接触过中国历史(事实上,典型的美国学生对易洛魁人①的了解比对整个亚洲的了解还要多),这是少有例外的。这种无知导致的一个悲哀的后果便是比较历史社会学家和比较政治学家所构建的理论都不涉及中国。我们的国家形成理论与帝国比较研...
评分《儒法国家》旨在对中国历史的范式进行社会学分析。我用“中国”一词来指代一个随着时间而发生变化的区域。在这一区域中,汉字是书面交流的主要形式,而生活在其中的居民对尽管变动但可认知的文化复合体表现出认同。这也就是中华文明。本书由四部分组成,其中,第一部分由简介...
三星半
评分三星半
评分没有想象中那么好,一流但不是超一流。好话当然可以说很多:宏大历史架构与具体机制操作之间的熟稔勾连,赵本人津津乐道地多因对多果的方法,儒法国家概念本身蕴含的理论概括力和独特的问题意识等。遗憾:过度推论的漏洞仍然没有补上,核心内容没有超越十年前的中文草稿,对曼的理论应用比较机械……
评分其实也没什么新观点......
评分没有想象中那么好,一流但不是超一流。好话当然可以说很多:宏大历史架构与具体机制操作之间的熟稔勾连,赵本人津津乐道地多因对多果的方法,儒法国家概念本身蕴含的理论概括力和独特的问题意识等。遗憾:过度推论的漏洞仍然没有补上,核心内容没有超越十年前的中文草稿,对曼的理论应用比较机械……
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