Samuel Phillips Huntington (April 18, 1927 – December 24, 2008) was an influential political scientist from the United States of America whose works covered multiple sub-fields of political science. He gained wider prominence through his Clash of Civilizations (1993, 1996) thesis of a post-Cold War new world order.
He was a member of Harvard's department of government from 1950 until he was denied tenure in 1959.From 1959 to 1962 he was an associate professor of government at Columbia University where he was also Deputy Director of The Institute for War and Peace Studies. Huntington was invited to return to Harvard with tenure in 1963 and remained there until his death. He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1965.Huntington and Warren Demian Manshel co-founded and co-edited Foreign Policy. Huntington stayed as co-editor until 1977.
Between 1974 and 1990 more than thirty countries in southern Europe, Latin America, East Asia, and Eastern Europe shifted from authoritarian to democratic systems of government. This global democratic revolution is probably the most important political trend in the late twentieth century. In The Third Wave, Samuel P. Huntington analyzes the causes and nature of these democratic transitions, evaluates the prospects for stability of the new democracies, and explores the possibility of more countries becoming democratic. The recent transitions, he argues, are the third major wave of democratization in the modem world. Each of the two previous waves was followed by a reverse wave in which some countries shifted back to authoritarian government. Using concrete examples, empirical evidence, and insightful analysis, Huntington provides neither a theory nor a history of the third wave, but an explanation of why and how it occurred.
Factors responsible for the democratic trend include the legitimacy dilemmas of authoritarian regimes; economic and social development; the changed role of the Catholic Church; the impact of the United States, the European Community, and the Soviet Union; and the "snowballing" phenomenon: change in one country stimulating change in others. Five key elite groups within and outside the nondemocratic regime played roles in shaping the various ways democratization occurred. Compromise was key to all democratizations, and elections and nonviolent tactics also were central. New democracies must deal with the "torturer problem" and the "praetorian problem" and attempt to develop democratic values and processes. Disillusionment with democracy, Huntington argues, is necessary to consolidating democracy. He concludes the book with an analysis of the political, economic, and cultural factors that will decide whether or not the third wave continues.
Several "Guidelines for Democratizers" offer specific, practical suggestions for initiating and carrying out reform. Huntington's emphasis on practical application makes this book a valuable tool for anyone engaged in the democratization process. At this volatile time in history, Huntington's assessment of the processes of democratization is indispensable to understanding the future of democracy in the world.
亨廷顿的第三波曾经被称为是民主化的圣经,这本书总结了20世纪后期全世界各地发生的民主浪潮。这本书出版后在全世界范围内引起了重大影响,而就在近年来不管是东欧的郁金香革命还是发生于中东的民主浪潮,反映出在目前全球一体化和互联网成为越来越重要的沟通方式和传播媒...
評分这本书的作者亨廷顿是已故的美国赫赫有名的政治学家,可以说是世界上最有影响力的政治学家之一,以“文明的冲突”理论被世人所熟知。 这本书最初以英文版于1991年问世。书中比较细致地分析了从1974年到1990年间,大约30个国家从威权体制或者从不民主体制转向了民主...
評分《第三波——20世纪后期民主化浪潮》读书报告 《第三波——20世纪后期民主化浪潮》(下称“《第三波》”)是塞缪尔·亨廷顿的代表作之一。亨廷顿是美国保守派政治学家,被誉为“过去五十年最具影响力的政治学家之一”。[1]他曾师从于福山,长期执教于哈佛大学,任职于卡特政府...
評分亨廷顿的第三波曾经被称为是民主化的圣经,这本书总结了20世纪后期全世界各地发生的民主浪潮。这本书出版后在全世界范围内引起了重大影响,而就在近年来不管是东欧的郁金香革命还是发生于中东的民主浪潮,反映出在目前全球一体化和互联网成为越来越重要的沟通方式和传播媒...
評分《第三波:20世纪后期民主化浪潮》 亨廷顿的书的特色就是论证是薄弱的,也没有鲜明的、可靠的结论,但是观点往往很新颖,这些似是而非的结论也被证明有很高的预测作用和指导意义。亨廷顿的经验主义者和实用主义者。最伟大的自然科学家往往靠的是直觉,比如拉瓦西、拉马努金、费...
manual for democratization, extremely inspiring, prophetic but still incomplete
评分the third time
评分My teacher asked me read this book -_- But i still messy..
评分My teacher asked me read this book -_- But i still messy..
评分冷戰式比較政治學的最後輝煌。先樹立西方民主典範與終極目標,再橫跨五大洲,以精巧分類學爬梳各國,通過大規模定性比較試圖總結此波民主化不同模式。不一定科學嚴謹卻足夠詳細耐心。對許多地區、尤其是儒傢和伊斯蘭提齣的問題均為日後曆史所證實,也指嚮瞭最終的文明衝突論。雖不提齣大一統理論,卻不掩飾為民主人士齣謀劃策之目的。具體而言威權政體崩潰或改變因素非常多樣,自我耗散閤法性經常發生,經濟發展、教育普及、中産集團、前代民主經驗、基督教文化、國際因素等皆為可能之結構因素或可利用之資源。重視政治過程,缺口一打開,政治傢手腕對於推動民主進程極為重要,中産階級更為關鍵因素:不必為民主運動發起者,但在關鍵時刻其態度可決定民主化成 敗走嚮。也區分瞭民主創生與民主鞏固問題。最棘手問題仍然是對舊政權集團是否清算及文武
本站所有內容均為互聯網搜索引擎提供的公開搜索信息,本站不存儲任何數據與內容,任何內容與數據均與本站無關,如有需要請聯繫相關搜索引擎包括但不限於百度,google,bing,sogou 等
© 2025 book.quotespace.org All Rights Reserved. 小美書屋 版权所有