Between 1974 and 1990 more than thirty countries in southern Europe, Latin America, East Asia, and Eastern Europe shifted from authoritarian to democratic systems of government. This global democratic revolution is probably the most important political trend in the late twentieth century. In The Third Wave, Samuel P. Huntington analyzes the causes and nature of these democratic transitions, evaluates the prospects for stability of the new democracies, and explores the possibility of more countries becoming democratic. The recent transitions, he argues, are the third major wave of democratization in the modem world. Each of the two previous waves was followed by a reverse wave in which some countries shifted back to authoritarian government. Using concrete examples, empirical evidence, and insightful analysis, Huntington provides neither a theory nor a history of the third wave, but an explanation of why and how it occurred.
Factors responsible for the democratic trend include the legitimacy dilemmas of authoritarian regimes; economic and social development; the changed role of the Catholic Church; the impact of the United States, the European Community, and the Soviet Union; and the "snowballing" phenomenon: change in one country stimulating change in others. Five key elite groups within and outside the nondemocratic regime played roles in shaping the various ways democratization occurred. Compromise was key to all democratizations, and elections and nonviolent tactics also were central. New democracies must deal with the "torturer problem" and the "praetorian problem" and attempt to develop democratic values and processes. Disillusionment with democracy, Huntington argues, is necessary to consolidating democracy. He concludes the book with an analysis of the political, economic, and cultural factors that will decide whether or not the third wave continues.
Several "Guidelines for Democratizers" offer specific, practical suggestions for initiating and carrying out reform. Huntington's emphasis on practical application makes this book a valuable tool for anyone engaged in the democratization process. At this volatile time in history, Huntington's assessment of the processes of democratization is indispensable to understanding the future of democracy in the world.
Samuel Phillips Huntington (April 18, 1927 – December 24, 2008) was an influential political scientist from the United States of America whose works covered multiple sub-fields of political science. He gained wider prominence through his Clash of Civilizations (1993, 1996) thesis of a post-Cold War new world order.
He was a member of Harvard's department of government from 1950 until he was denied tenure in 1959.From 1959 to 1962 he was an associate professor of government at Columbia University where he was also Deputy Director of The Institute for War and Peace Studies. Huntington was invited to return to Harvard with tenure in 1963 and remained there until his death. He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1965.Huntington and Warren Demian Manshel co-founded and co-edited Foreign Policy. Huntington stayed as co-editor until 1977.
《第三波——20世纪后期民主化浪潮》读书报告 《第三波——20世纪后期民主化浪潮》(下称“《第三波》”)是塞缪尔·亨廷顿的代表作之一。亨廷顿是美国保守派政治学家,被誉为“过去五十年最具影响力的政治学家之一”。[1]他曾师从于福山,长期执教于哈佛大学,任职于卡特政府...
评分亨廷顿所著的《第三波》一般是公认为是一部国际政治的经典著作,很大程度上源自亨廷顿在冷战结束之际对于当时近十多年各国政治形态的一次总结。放在当时或许是很有解释力的,因为在冷战结束之际,苏联东欧面对历史性巨变,必然会有诸多疑问,而亨廷顿的解释将时段放长到7...
评分《第三波——20世纪后期民主化浪潮》读书报告 《第三波——20世纪后期民主化浪潮》(下称“《第三波》”)是塞缪尔·亨廷顿的代表作之一。亨廷顿是美国保守派政治学家,被誉为“过去五十年最具影响力的政治学家之一”。[1]他曾师从于福山,长期执教于哈佛大学,任职于卡特政府...
评分可以训练的民主 评《第三波》 曾经有一段时间,《民主是个好东西》在中国的各阶层广泛流传,印证着这个国家开始改变一些执政观念,直到今天,“增量民主”依旧是为大家广为接受的一个改革方式,对于西方的先进理念应用于我们的国家,这是改革的一大进步。2008年的经济危机从西...
评分“经济发展使民主成为可能,政治领导使民主成为现实。”这句本书最后一章的话成为了整本书的缩影。 亨廷顿是一个严谨的学者,从未把经济当说成“根本因素”,只是认为是“全面、重要的关联”,甚至在第二章第五节说经济发展对民主“不是决定性的”,但仍不能否定他把经...
冷战式比较政治学的最后辉煌。先树立西方民主典范与终极目标,再横跨五大洲,以精巧分类学爬梳各国,通过大规模定性比较试图总结此波民主化不同模式。不一定科学严谨却足够详细耐心。对许多地区、尤其是儒家和伊斯兰提出的问题均为日后历史所证实,也指向了最终的文明冲突论。虽不提出大一统理论,却不掩饰为民主人士出谋划策之目的。具体而言威权政体崩溃或改变因素非常多样,自我耗散合法性经常发生,经济发展、教育普及、中产集团、前代民主经验、基督教文化、国际因素等皆为可能之结构因素或可利用之资源。重视政治过程,缺口一打开,政治家手腕对于推动民主进程极为重要,中产阶级更为关键因素:不必为民主运动发起者,但在关键时刻其态度可决定民主化成 败走向。也区分了民主创生与民主巩固问题。最棘手问题仍然是对旧政权集团是否清算及文武
评分comparative politics 巨擘
评分冷战式比较政治学的最后辉煌。先树立西方民主典范与终极目标,再横跨五大洲,以精巧分类学爬梳各国,通过大规模定性比较试图总结此波民主化不同模式。不一定科学严谨却足够详细耐心。对许多地区、尤其是儒家和伊斯兰提出的问题均为日后历史所证实,也指向了最终的文明冲突论。虽不提出大一统理论,却不掩饰为民主人士出谋划策之目的。具体而言威权政体崩溃或改变因素非常多样,自我耗散合法性经常发生,经济发展、教育普及、中产集团、前代民主经验、基督教文化、国际因素等皆为可能之结构因素或可利用之资源。重视政治过程,缺口一打开,政治家手腕对于推动民主进程极为重要,中产阶级更为关键因素:不必为民主运动发起者,但在关键时刻其态度可决定民主化成 败走向。也区分了民主创生与民主巩固问题。最棘手问题仍然是对旧政权集团是否清算及文武
评分the third time
评分not theoretically insightful perhaps b/c it's meant to serve as a practical guide for government to bring about democracy. points to the role of middle-class and civic society, similar to Putnam's conclusion but lacks his precision. certain culture elements (confucianism and islam) aren't conducive to democracy, which leads to his theory developmen
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