Sir Isaiah Berlin was a philosopher and historian of ideas, regarded as one of the leading liberal thinkers of the twentieth century. He excelled as an essayist, lecturer and conversationalist; and as a brilliant speaker who delivered, rapidly and spontaneously, richly allusive and coherently structured material, whether for a lecture series at Oxford University or as a broadcaster on the BBC Third Programme, usually without a script. Many of his essays and lectures were later collected in book form.
Born in Riga, now capital of Latvia, then part of the Russian Empire, he was the first person of Jewish descent to be elected to a prize fellowship at All Souls College, Oxford. From 1957 to 1967, he was Chichele Professor of Social and Political Theory at the University of Oxford. He was president of the Aristotelian Society from 1963 to 1964. In 1966, he helped to found Wolfson College, Oxford, and became its first President. He was knighted in 1957, and was awarded the Order of Merit in 1971. He was President of the British Academy from 1974 to 1978. He also received the 1979 Jerusalem Prize for his writings on individual freedom. Berlin's work on liberal theory has had a lasting influence.
Berlin is best known for his essay Two Concepts of Liberty, delivered in 1958 as his inaugural lecture as Chichele Professor of Social and Political Theory at Oxford. He defined negative liberty as the absence of constraints on, or interference with, agents' possible action. Greater "negative freedom" meant fewer restrictions on possible action. Berlin associated positive liberty with the idea of self-mastery, or the capacity to determine oneself, to be in control of one's destiny. While Berlin granted that both concepts of liberty represent valid human ideals, as a matter of history the positive concept of liberty has proven particularly susceptible to political abuse.
Berlin contended that under the influence of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Immanuel Kant and G. W. F. Hegel (all committed to the positive concept of liberty), European political thinkers often equated liberty with forms of political discipline or constraint. This became politically dangerous when notions of positive liberty were, in the nineteenth century, used to defend nationalism, self-determination and the Communist idea of collective rational control over human destiny. Berlin argued that, following this line of thought, demands for freedom paradoxically become demands for forms of collective control and discipline – those deemed necessary for the "self-mastery" or self-determination of nations, classes, democratic communities, and even humanity as a whole. There is thus an elective affinity, for Berlin, between positive liberty and political totalitarianism.
Conversely, negative liberty represents a different, perhaps safer, understanding of the concept of liberty. Its proponents (such as Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill) insisted that constraint and discipline were the antithesis of liberty and so were (and are) less prone to confusing liberty and constraint in the manner of the philosophical harbingers of modern totalitarianism. It is this concept of Negative Liberty that Isaiah Berlin supported. It dominated heavily his early chapters in his third lecture.
This negative liberty is central to the claim for toleration due to incommensurability. This concept is mirrored in the work of Joseph Raz.
Berlin's espousal of negative liberty, his hatred of totalitarianism and his experience of Russia in the revolution and through his contact with the poet Anna Akhmatova made him an enemy of the Soviet Union and he was one of the leading public intellectuals in the ideological battle against Communism during the Cold War.
Liberty is a revised and expanded edition of the book that Isaiah Berlin regarded as his most important—Four Essays on Liberty, a standard text of liberalism, constantly in demand and constantly discussed since it was first published in 1969. Writing in Harper's, Irving Howe described it as "an exhilarating performance—this, one tells oneself, is what the life of the mind can be."
Berlin's editor Henry Hardy has revised the text, incorporating a fifth essay that Berlin himself had wanted to include. He has also added further pieces that bear on the same topic, so that Berlin's principal statements on liberty are at last available together in one volume. Finally, in an extended preface and in appendices drawn from Berlin's unpublished writings, he exhibits some of the biographical sources of Berlin's lifelong preoccupation with liberalism. These additions help us to grasp the nature of Berlin's "inner citadel," as he called it—the core of personal conviction from which some of his most influential writing sprung.
以赛亚·伯林无疑是二十世纪最著名的自由主义思想家之一。他出身于苏俄犹太人家庭,二战期间曾担任驻苏联的外交官,后来长期在牛津任教。他的出身和经历使他能够近距离地观察苏联社会体制,并且终身对苏联思想界和苏联知识分子保持关注。在《苏联的心灵》一书中,我们可以看到...
評分读这本书时,自始至终贯穿着强大的内在张力,即价值多元论和价值一元论之间的矛盾。按照柏林的说法,人们对于外在的世界追寻的时候,不断发现统御万物的真理,由外及里地想把这种真理贯穿到人的内在世界里;另一方面人们有追寻唯一真理的内在驱动力,即使这些真理表述方式...
評分柏林在《两种自由概念》的开篇就说道:“如果人们对于生活的目的从未有过分歧,如果我们的祖先仍然生活在无忧无虑的伊甸园中,那么,齐切里社会与政治理论教席所致力的那些研究,便是难以理解的。”在他看来,对人类社会、政治的理论研究之所以可能而且必要,其根源在于人类对...
評分“自由是唯一真正的财富”——威廉·黑兹利特 出于某种道义上的责任,必须要写那么一些东西以传播该理论,同时声援基于人类福祉与有关自由等话题演绎出伟大学说的巨擘,上一次类似的体会大概是罗尔斯的《正义论》。 《论自由》这本书其实已经在半年或一年前就已经看完,最初...
評分柏林在《两种自由概念》的开篇就说道:“如果人们对于生活的目的从未有过分歧,如果我们的祖先仍然生活在无忧无虑的伊甸园中,那么,齐切里社会与政治理论教席所致力的那些研究,便是难以理解的。”在他看来,对人类社会、政治的理论研究之所以可能而且必要,其根源在于人类对...
四年前讀過Two Concepts of Liberty,伯林也在不知不覺中影響著我的很多思考方式。那時覺得他尤為抽絲剝繭綿密通透——現在我保留這個判斷,隻是難免對方陣營就層層歸謬到死諷刺挖苦到透,自己立場就是好一朵美麗的白蓮花,又香又白人人誇。。。
评分因為哲學課讀的書越來越看不懂/不感興趣瞭所以我決定每本下麵編些不相乾的鬍話,整理的時候就感覺好像自己真有收獲一樣。水手需要預測暴風雨的時候,會跑到甲闆上用鼻子吸一吸,再不濟就伸舌頭嘗一嘗,吉兆是仍然鹹澀的海風,凶兆是壞血病夢境般溫柔甜蜜的鮮橙味。
评分隻讀瞭其中的“兩種自由”一篇。前麵的梳理雖然dense,但是條理清晰,且有效地展開瞭兩者間的張力,很厲害。就是最後強調negative liberty,並且認為這會促成文化多元,這樣的論點和論述過程讓我多少有些不敢恭維。其實關鍵還在於Berlin當時心裏要解決的問題。
评分因為哲學課讀的書越來越看不懂/不感興趣瞭所以我決定每本下麵編些不相乾的鬍話,整理的時候就感覺好像自己真有收獲一樣。水手需要預測暴風雨的時候,會跑到甲闆上用鼻子吸一吸,再不濟就伸舌頭嘗一嘗,吉兆是仍然鹹澀的海風,凶兆是壞血病夢境般溫柔甜蜜的鮮橙味。
评分隻讀瞭其中的“兩種自由”一篇。前麵的梳理雖然dense,但是條理清晰,且有效地展開瞭兩者間的張力,很厲害。就是最後強調negative liberty,並且認為這會促成文化多元,這樣的論點和論述過程讓我多少有些不敢恭維。其實關鍵還在於Berlin當時心裏要解決的問題。
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