Henry Kissinger served as National Security Advisor and then Secretary of State under Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford, and has advised many other American presidents on foreign policy. He received the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize, the Presidential Medal of Freedom, and the Medal of Liberty, among other awards. He is the author of numerous books and articles on foreign policy and diplomacy, and is currently Chairman of Kissinger Associates, Inc., an international consulting firm.
For more than twenty years after the Communist Revolution in 1949, China and most of the western world had no diplomats in each others' capitals and no direct way to communicate. Then, in July 1971, Henry Kissinger arrived secretly in Beijing on a mission which quickly led to the reopening of relations between China and the West and changed the course of post-war history.
For the past forty years, Kissinger has maintained close relations with successive generations of Chinese leaders, and has probably been more intimately connected with China at the highest level than any other western figure. This book distils his unique experience and long study of the 'Middle Kingdom', examining China's history from the classical era to the present day, and explaining why it has taken the extraordinary course that it has.
The book concentrates on the decades since 1949, presenting brilliantly drawn portraits of Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping and other Chinese leaders, and reproducing verbatim Kissinger's conversations with each of them. But Kissinger's eye rarely leaves the long continuum of Chinese history: he describes the essence of China's approach to diplomacy, strategy and negotiation, and the remarkable ways in which Communist-era statesmen have drawn on methods honed over millennia. At the end of the book, Kissinger reflects on these attitudes for our own era of economic interdependence and an uncertain future.
On China is written with great authority, complete accessibility and with many wider reflections on statecraft and diplomacy distilled from years of experience. At a moment when the rest of the world is thinking about China more than ever before, this timely book offers insights that no other can.
有些事情不方便议论,于是它们便变成了文字,经过时间的沉淀,留在了一本本回忆录里面。 基辛格的《论中国》是一本好书,它的亮点不仅在于从西方的眼光看待中国,还在于我们可以通过回顾熟悉的事件,体会西方的思维方式,同时从一个相对客观的角度重新审视并反思我国外交政策的...
评分二战以后,绥靖变成了一种常常被滥用的政治指控,向对立阵营的任何示好甚至仅仅是“不强硬”都会被人和慕尼黑、张伯伦之类的词联系起来 很多人都忘了,尽管对战争的可能性估计不足是二战爆发的重要原因,但恰恰是正好相反的情形导致了一战爆发 基辛格在他的《大外交》里用非...
评分美国前国务卿基辛格的新书《论中国》是两部份的组合,其中之一是基辛格与中国打交道的职业回忆录,另一部份是基辛格对中国政治文化的论述。基辛格从中国历史讲起,从中华人民共和国的成立,朝鲜战争、台海危机、中印战争,一直到中苏交恶,全书正文530页,基辛格本人要到200页...
评分不喜欢政治类读物,但非常意外,还蛮好读的
评分中美外交史的流水账,内容详实,推荐
评分现在看这书意义不同。用Crowe Memoradum中解释1871年德国统一打破欧陆平衡来理解中美冲突,中国崛起打破美国在亚太地区、整个世界构建的力量平衡,所以中国不需要展示任何侵略性,已经足以构成威胁。美国国内的Neoconservativists和中国的Triumphalists会将此定义为世纪冲突,零和博弈,你死我活,原话用了不是total success就是humiliating failure。最后的Pacific Community,与其说是对现实的展望,不如说是遥远的理想。
评分现在看这书意义不同。用Crowe Memoradum中解释1871年德国统一打破欧陆平衡来理解中美冲突,中国崛起打破美国在亚太地区、整个世界构建的力量平衡,所以中国不需要展示任何侵略性,已经足以构成威胁。美国国内的Neoconservativists和中国的Triumphalists会将此定义为世纪冲突,零和博弈,你死我活,原话用了不是total success就是humiliating failure。最后的Pacific Community,与其说是对现实的展望,不如说是遥远的理想。
评分还行吧,一般
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