The Phantom Public pdf epub mobi txt 电子书 下载 2024


The Phantom Public

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Walter Lippmann
Transaction Publishers
1993
195
USD 24.95
Paperback
9781560006770

图书标签: 美国  政治  传播  传媒  Lippmann  Communication  政治学  近期待讀文史書   


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发表于2024-12-23

The Phantom Public epub 下载 mobi 下载 pdf 下载 txt 电子书 下载 2024

The Phantom Public epub 下载 mobi 下载 pdf 下载 txt 电子书 下载 2024

The Phantom Public pdf epub mobi txt 电子书 下载 2024



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著者简介

Lippmann was a journalist, a media critic and a philosopher who tried to reconcile the tensions between liberty and democracy in a complex and modern world, as in his 1920 book Liberty and the News.

In 1913 Lippmann, Herbert Croly, and Walter Weyl became the founding editors of The New Republic magazine. During World War I, Lippmann became an adviser to President Woodrow Wilson and assisted in the drafting of Wilson's Fourteen Points.

Lippmann had wide access to the nation's decision makers and had no sympathy for communism. After Lippmann had become famous, the Golos spy ring used Mary Price, his secretary, to garner information on items Lippmann chose not to write about or names of Lippmann's sources, often not carried in stories, but of use to the Soviet Ministry for State Security. He examined the coverage of newspapers and saw many inaccuracies and other problems.

Walter Lippmann and Charles Merz, in a 1920 study entitled A Test of the News, stated that The New York Times' coverage of the Bolshevik revolution was biased and inaccurate. In addition to his Pulitzer Prize-winning column "Today and Tomorrow," he published several books. Lippmann was the first to bring the phrase "cold war" to common currency in his 1947 book by the same name.

It was Lippmann who first identified the tendency of journalists to generalize about other people based on fixed ideas. He argued that people—including journalists—are more apt to believe "the pictures in their heads" than come to judgment by critical thinking. Humans condense ideas into symbols, he wrote, and journalism, a force quickly becoming the mass media, is an ineffective method of educating the public. Even if journalists did better jobs of informing the public about important issues, Lippmann believed "the mass of the reading public is not interested in learning and assimilating the results of accurate investigation." Citizens, he wrote, were too self-centered to care about public policy except as pertaining to pressing local issues.

Lippmann saw the purpose of journalism as "intelligence work." Within this role, journalists are a link between policymakers and the public. A journalist seeks facts from policymakers which he then transmits to citizens who form a public opinion. In this model, the information may be used to hold policymakers accountable to citizens. This theory was spawned by the industrial era and some critics argue the model needs rethinking in post-industrial societies.

Though a journalist himself, he held no assumption of news and truth being synonymous. For him the “function of news is to signalize an event, the function of truth is to bring to light the hidden facts, to set them in relation with each other, and make a picture of reality on which men can act.” A journalist’s version of the truth is subjective and limited to how he constructs his reality. The news, therefore, is “imperfectly recorded” and too fragile to bear the charge as “an organ of direct democracy.”

To his mind, democratic ideals had deteriorated, voters were largely ignorant about issues and policies, they lacked the competence to participate in public life and cared little for participating in the political process. In Public Opinion (1922), Lippmann noted that the stability the government achieved during the patronage era of the 1800s was threatened by modern realities. He wrote that a “governing class” must rise to face the new challenges. He saw the public as Plato did, a great beast or a bewildered herd – floundering in the “chaos of local opinions."

The basic problem of democracy, he wrote, was the accuracy of news and protection of sources. He argued that distorted information was inherent in the human mind. People make up their minds before they define the facts, while the ideal would be to gather and analyze the facts before reaching conclusions. By seeing first, he argued, it is possible to sanitize polluted information. Lippmann argued that seeing through stereotypes (which he coined in this specific meaning) subjected us to partial truths. Lippmann called the notion of a public competent to direct public affairs a "false ideal." He compared the political savvy of an average man to a theater-goer walking into a play in the middle of the third act and leaving before the last curtain.

Early on Lippmann said the herd of citizens must be governed by “a specialized class whose interests reach beyond the locality." This class is composed of experts, specialists and bureaucrats. The experts, who often are referred to as "elites," were to be a machinery of knowledge that circumvents the primary defect of democracy, the impossible ideal of the "omnicompetent citizen". Later, in The Phantom Public (1925), he recognized that the class of experts were also, in most respects, outsiders to particular problem, and hence, not capable of effective action. Modern critics of journalism and democracy say that history has borne out Lippmann's model. The power of the governing elites, they argue, stretches from the early days of the 20th century to the New Deal of the 1930s to today.

Lippmann came to be seen as Noam Chomsky's moral and intellectual antithesis.[citation needed] Chomsky and Edward S. Herman used one of Lippmann's catch phrases, the "Manufacture of Consent" for the title of their book about the media: Manufacturing Consent. Philosopher John Dewey (1859-1952) agreed with Lippmann's assertions that the modern world was becoming too complex for every citizen to grasp all its aspects, but Dewey, unlike Lippmann, believed that the public (a composite of many “publics” within society) could form a “Great Community” that could become educated about issues, come to judgments and arrive at solutions to societal problems.

Following the removal from office of Henry A. Wallace in September 1946, Lippmann became the leading public advocate of the need to respect a Soviet sphere of influence in Europe, as opposed to the containment strategy being advocated at the time by people like George F. Kennan.

Lippmann was an informal adviser to several presidents.[citation needed] He had a rather famous feud with Lyndon Johnson over his handling of the Vietnam War which Lippman had became highly critical of.[citation needed]

A meeting of intellectuals organized in Paris in August 1938 by French philosopher Louis Rougier, Colloque Walter Lippmann is was named after Walter Lippmann. Walter Lippmann House at Harvard University, which houses the Nieman Foundation for Journalism, is named after him too.


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用户评价

评分

幻影公众,时隔两年刷一遍原版

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李普曼精英主义思想集中的体现。在书中他认为:社会是由两种人组成的,代理人和旁观者,代理人按照自己的意见行事,而公众于这个过程中大多数时候只是“deaf spectator in the back row”,他们对公共问题知之甚少,也并不关心,所以主权在民的民主制度只能是神话一般的虚构,甚至连公众这个概念都是“phantom”,公众舆论本就非理性的存在,它对政府行为的赞成和反对,不是出于自愿,而是由agents来引导,它所要做的只是判断哪一方有能更好处理问题的能力,所以整个过程都是agents发起,并最终解决的。

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人们把传播媒介加工后而反映出的拟态现实当作主观现实,而传播媒介所提供的却仅仅是一个伪环境罢了。

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He meant well...

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人们把传播媒介加工后而反映出的拟态现实当作主观现实,而传播媒介所提供的却仅仅是一个伪环境罢了。

读后感

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身为传媒学子,李普曼的大名一直被各个老师轮番强调,《公众舆论》几乎成了必读书目,而《幻影公众》与其相比起来就冷清多了。不知道是什么原因。 就我很浅的见识而言,这本书旨在戳破传统民主理论虚伪的泡泡,尽管会有很多专家认为此种论调太过消极,但却甚得我心。 ...  

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在传统的政治学语境中,公共舆论作为公民积极参与政治讨论的象征,被寄予极高的评价与期望,在阿伦特看来,行动者在言行中得到彰显,“……言说和行动让自己切入人类世界,这种切入就像人的第二次诞生”[1],无论是亚里士多德,还是阿伦特,都秉持着一种对积极政治生活追崇与赞...  

评分

评分

评分

在传统的政治学语境中,公共舆论作为公民积极参与政治讨论的象征,被寄予极高的评价与期望,在阿伦特看来,行动者在言行中得到彰显,“……言说和行动让自己切入人类世界,这种切入就像人的第二次诞生”[1],无论是亚里士多德,还是阿伦特,都秉持着一种对积极政治生活追崇与赞...  

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