Constitutions in authoritarian regimes are often denigrated as meaningless exercises in political theater. Yet the burgeoning literature on authoritarian regimes more broadly has produced a wealth of insights into particular institutions such as legislatures, courts and elections; into regime practices such as co-optation and repression; and into non-democratic sources of accountability. In this vein, this volume explores the form and function of constitutions in countries without the fully articulated institutions of limited government. The chapters utilize a wide range of methods and focus on a broad set of cases, representing many different types of authoritarian regimes. The book offers an exploration into the constitutions of authoritarian regimes, generating broader insights into the study of constitutions and their functions more generally.
Tom Ginsburg is the Leo Spitz Professor of International Law at the University of Chicago, where he also holds an appointment in the Political Science Department. He is also a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and a Research Professor at the American Bar Foundation. He holds BA, JD and PhD degrees from the University of California, Berkeley. He currently co-directs the Comparative Constitutions Project, an NSF-funded data set cataloging the world's constitutions since 1789. His recent co-authored book, The Endurance of National Constitutions (2009), won the best book award from the Comparative Democratization Section of the American Political Science Association. His other books include Judicial Review in New Democracies (2003), Administrative Law and Governance in Asia (2008), Rule By Law: The Politics of Courts in Authoritarian Regimes (with Tamir Moustafa, 2008) and Comparative Constitutional Law (with Rosalind Dixon, 2011). Before entering law teaching, he served as a legal advisor at the Iran-US Claims Tribunal, The Hague, The Netherlands, and he has consulted with numerous international development agencies and governments on legal and constitutional reform.
Alberto Simpser is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Chicago. His research focuses on the topics of electoral manipulation, election monitoring, mechanisms of authoritarian political control, redistributive spending, subnational governance, and corruption. His book, Why Parties and Governments Manipulate Elections: Theory, Practice, and Implications (2013), is a comparative study of the incentives underpinning electoral manipulation, with broad regional focus. Professor Simpser has been Research Fellow at the Center for Globalization and Governance at Princeton University, and National Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. He holds a BSc from Harvard College, and a PhD in political science and an MA in economics from Stanford University.
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如果用一个词来形容这本书的风格,那就是“冷峻的百科全书”。作者的博学令人赞叹,几乎囊括了从20世纪中叶至今,全球范围内所有具有代表性的威权体制的宪政实践。然而,这种广度也带来了一个小小的挑战:某些章节的密度过高,信息量爆炸。我需要频繁地查阅地图和年表来跟上作者在不同案例间的快速跳跃。但平心而论,正是这种全面性,使得本书成为了一个极为可靠的比较政治学工具箱。尤其是在关于“紧急状态法”及其常态化的论述部分,作者提供了一个详尽的分析框架,展示了如何通过细微的、渐进式的修宪来永久性地固化非民主状态。这本书的学术价值是毋庸置疑的,它为未来的研究奠定了坚实的基础。
评分这本书给我的阅读体验是曲折而充满思辨的。它绝非一本可以轻松翻阅的通俗读物,它要求读者具备相当的政治学和历史学的背景知识,否则很容易迷失在作者精心编织的法律条文与历史脚注之中。作者的叙事风格非常克制,几乎从不直接给出道德判断,而是将所有材料冷静地摆在那里,让数据和文本自己说话。我花了很长时间才消化完关于“过渡期宪法”那一章,作者挑战了许多既有的“民主化”叙事,指出许多看似朝着开放的微小变动,实则可能被更高层级的权力结构所吸纳和消解。这种对权力韧性的深刻洞察,让人读后感到一丝凉意,也迫使我重新审视自己对“进步”的定义。对于那些希望进行高阶学术研究的人来说,这本书无疑是一部里程碑式的参考资料。
评分这本书的结构安排极其巧妙,它不是简单地按时间线或国家来划分,而是围绕几个核心的“功能性问题”展开论述,例如“精英再生产机制”和“法律工具化”。这种主题式的组织方式,使得不同国家和不同历史阶段的案例可以相互印证,极大地增强了论点的说服力。我印象最深的是其中对“宪法委员会”角色的分析,作者通过对一系列内部文件的解构,揭示了这些机构如何从形式上的监督者,一步步异化为巩固现有权力结构的“橡皮图章”。阅读过程中,我感觉自己像是在参与一场精密的外科手术,观察那些看似稳固的政治躯体内部,权力是如何通过法律的血管精确地输送和分配的。这本书的贡献在于,它成功地将高深的宪政理论与微观的政治操作紧密地结合起来。
评分我更倾向于将这本书视为一部关于“权力的生存哲学”的案例研究。作者没有陷入对威权政体“好”与“坏”的简单二元对立,而是深入探究了它们是如何“持续存在”的。书中对于“软性规训”的探讨,尤其发人深省:它关注的不是那些震撼人心的政变或镇压,而是日常生活中,法律是如何被用来微妙地引导民众预期、限制异议空间,从而达到长治久安的目的。我感觉作者在用一种近乎人类学的视角来观察这些政治实体,捕捉那些不易察觉的文化和制度习惯。这本书的行文充满了学术的严谨性,但其揭示的现实图景却极具冲击力,它迫使我们重新思考,在看似有宪法的世界里,真正的权力边界究竟在哪里。
评分读完这本厚厚的书,我的第一感觉是震撼,作者对不同时期和地域的威权政体进行了极其细致的梳理和比较。尤其是关于制度演变的部分,作者似乎花了巨大的精力去挖掘那些被主流学术界所忽略的灰色地带。我特别欣赏书中对于“合法性构建”的深入剖析,它不再停留在理论层面,而是通过大量的案例研究,展示了这些政权如何通过微妙的法律调整、符号操作以及对既有宪政框架的挪用,来维持其统治的表象。书中对东亚和拉美的对比分析尤其引人入胜,揭示了文化背景和历史路径在塑造威权宪政模式中的复杂互动。整体而言,这本书提供了一个既有理论深度又具备丰富实证基础的分析框架,对于理解现代政治的另一面——那些光鲜制度背后的权力逻辑——具有不可替代的价值。
评分framework部分强差人意,包括Tushnet老爷子那篇。导论分析的层次挺清楚可做学习。中国部分出自香港城市大学He Xin之手,标题似可改为CCP's leadership beyond the constitution,毕竟living constitution这个概念就算在老强那里也还是需要检讨商榷,而本文也仅仅是在开头套了下概念而已。
评分格外喜欢第七第八篇
评分framework部分强差人意,包括Tushnet老爷子那篇。导论分析的层次挺清楚可做学习。中国部分出自香港城市大学He Xin之手,标题似可改为CCP's leadership beyond the constitution,毕竟living constitution这个概念就算在老强那里也还是需要检讨商榷,而本文也仅仅是在开头套了下概念而已。
评分格外喜欢第七第八篇
评分framework部分强差人意,包括Tushnet老爷子那篇。导论分析的层次挺清楚可做学习。中国部分出自香港城市大学He Xin之手,标题似可改为CCP's leadership beyond the constitution,毕竟living constitution这个概念就算在老强那里也还是需要检讨商榷,而本文也仅仅是在开头套了下概念而已。
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