具体描述
Rejecting the traditional values of political theory, Machiavelli drew upon his own experiences of office in the turbulent Florentine republic to write his celebrated treatise on statecraft. While Machiavelli was only one of the many Florentine "prophets of force," he differed from the ruling elite in recognizing the complexity and fluidity of political life.
Translated by George Bull
Introduction by Anthony Grafton
作者简介
Niccolò Machiavelli (born May 3, 1469, Florence-died June 21, 1527, Florence) Italian statesman, historian, and political theorist. He rose to power after the overthrow of Girolamo Savonarola, was appointed secretary and Second Chancellor to the Florentine Republic in 1498. Working as a diplomat for 14 years, he came in contact with the most powerful figures in Europe. He was dismissed when the Medici family returned to power in 1512, and during the next year he was arrested and tortured for conspiracy. Though soon released, he was not permitted to return to public office. His famous treatise The Prince (1513, published 1532) is a handbook for rulers; though dedicated to Lorenzo de' Medici, ruler of Florence from 1513, it failed to win Machiavelli his favour. Machiavelli viewed The Prince as an objective description of political reality. Because he viewed human nature as venal, grasping, and thoroughly self-serving, he suggested that ruthless cunning is appropriate to the conduct of government. Though admired for its incisive brilliance, the book also has been widely condemned as cynical and amoral, and “Machiavellian” has come to mean deceitful, unscrupulous, and manipulative. His other works include a set of discourses on Livy (completed c. 1518), the comedy The Mandrake (completed c. 1518), The Art of War (published 1521), and the Florentine Histories (completed c. 1525).
目录信息
Introduction
Translator's Note
Selected Books
Machiavelli's Principal Works
Letter to the Magnificent Lorenzo de Medici 1
I How many kinds of principality there are and the ways in which they are acquired 5
II Hereditary principalities 5
III Composite principalities 6
IV Why the kingdom of Darius conquered by Alexander did not rebel against his successors after his death 13
V How cities or principalities which lived under their own laws should be administered after being conquered 16
VI New principalities acquired by one's own arms and prowess 17
VII New principalities acquired with the help of fortune and foreign arms 20
VIII Those who come to power by crime 27
IX The constitutional principality 31
X How the strength of every principality should be measured 34
XI Ecclesiastical principalities 36
XII Military organization and mercenary troops 39
XIII Auxiliary, composite, and native troops 43
XIV How a prince should organize his militia 47
XV The things for which men, and especially princes, are praised or blamed 49
XVI Generosity and parsimony 51
XVII Cruelty and compassion; and whether it is better to be loved than feared, or the reverse 53
XVIII How princes should honour their word 56
XIX The need to avoid contempt and hatred 58
XX Whether fortresses and many of the other present-day expedients to which princes have recourse are useful or not 67
XXI How a prince must act to win honour 71
XXII A prince's personal staff 75
XXIII How flatterers must be shunned 76
XXIV Why the Italian princes have lost their states 78
XXV How far human affairs are governed by fortune, and how fortune can be opposed 79
XXVI Exhortation to liberate Italy from the barbarians 82
Glossary of Proper Names 86
Notes 99
· · · · · · (收起)
读后感
中国的革命，大多是自下而上的，于是需要《论语》，需要论语河蟹下里巴人们的思想 而《君主论》，则是写给想要变革的上位者看的，告诉他们怎么让下面的人听话 本质来说，都是同一本书，同一个思想，只不过是对象不一样，所以看上去有些不同 但是，基本上，两本可以对照来看，很...
评分如果单独的看《君主论》，我觉得这本书并不特别。但是如果把《君主论》与唐太宗李世民写的《帝范》一起来看的话，就有点意思了。 由于中国自古以来大部分的时间都是一个统一的国家，所以一个皇帝最重要的任务就是维持国家的繁荣稳定，所以《帝范》讲的都是关于国家的治理。 ...
评分“关于我的忠诚老实，应该没有疑问，因为我一直保持忠诚老实，我现在不会改变它。像我一个四十三年来一向是忠诚老实和善良的人，是不能够改变他的性质的；而且我贫穷，就是我为人忠诚老实和善良的证据。”——马基雅维利 1512年，四十三岁的马基雅维利在对自己做人格鉴定时，...
评分学术与政治之间 从马基雅维里关于《君主论》的两封信说起 李华芳 学术和政治之间的关系是一个不简单的话题。有韦伯的名篇演讲和徐复观的名著在前，似乎没有多大讨论的必要。只是讨论马基雅维里在学术与政治之间的纠葛有点像金庸小说中的《广陵散》成绝响、曲洋却从东汉蔡邑墓...
评分还没读完，就急不可待的想写一点感想。原谅我的随意。 也许是翻译的缘故，我觉得马基亚维利从头到尾似乎都是一个很矛盾的人，不敢肯定什么，同时也不敢轻易否定。 我欣赏他对王权的理解，他觉得政府如果作为一个维持统治的目的而存在，是可以利用一切所能考虑的...
用户评价
想着中国历史就很能理解这本书了
评分可以视作手段服务目的的典型，在实际历史上却也不乏并不遵照马基雅维利这些规则的君主胜利或者持续了统治，比如美第奇家族。如果说他有一些大心的话，那可能是认为如此取得权力是在没有统一、派别过于散乱又有外敌入侵的最好方式，是达到一个共和国前手法伪善的必要过渡，但这层意思很隐含。从非实际角度来讲，它的方法建立于不先设任何对“美德”的理解并以此执行，而是按众民的弱点来设立规则、趋向力量与见风使舵。缺点显而易见，人不再跟随直觉的善而是目的的达成，但若这是为了可以达到共和国的发展阶段作出的牺牲，从历史时间的角度，人也只能客观看待。
评分买这种书，有了introduction真是易懂
评分相当于15世纪的《独裁者手册》
评分Some points are still not outdated to this day. Suggestions on internal affairs mostly consisted of maintaining the prince’s public images, while going in detail about wartime governance. At least he doesn’t encourage confiscating people’s property, even 16th century western political thought is more humanitarian than 中国◯◯党。
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