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Niccolò Machiavelli (born May 3, 1469, Florence-died June 21, 1527, Florence) Italian statesman, historian, and political theorist. He rose to power after the overthrow of Girolamo Savonarola, was appointed secretary and Second Chancellor to the Florentine Republic in 1498. Working as a diplomat for 14 years, he came in contact with the most powerful figures in Europe. He was dismissed when the Medici family returned to power in 1512, and during the next year he was arrested and tortured for conspiracy. Though soon released, he was not permitted to return to public office. His famous treatise The Prince (1513, published 1532) is a handbook for rulers; though dedicated to Lorenzo de' Medici, ruler of Florence from 1513, it failed to win Machiavelli his favour. Machiavelli viewed The Prince as an objective description of political reality. Because he viewed human nature as venal, grasping, and thoroughly self-serving, he suggested that ruthless cunning is appropriate to the conduct of government. Though admired for its incisive brilliance, the book also has been widely condemned as cynical and amoral, and “Machiavellian” has come to mean deceitful, unscrupulous, and manipulative. His other works include a set of discourses on Livy (completed c. 1518), the comedy The Mandrake (completed c. 1518), The Art of War (published 1521), and the Florentine Histories (completed c. 1525).
- 政治
- 权力
- Machiavelli
- 经典
- 哲学
- 历史
- 非虚构
- 英文
Rejecting the traditional values of political theory, Machiavelli drew upon his own experiences of office in the turbulent Florentine republic to write his celebrated treatise on statecraft. While Machiavelli was only one of the many Florentine "prophets of force," he differed from the ruling elite in recognizing the complexity and fluidity of political life.
Translated by George Bull
Introduction by Anthony Grafton
具体描述
读后感
“关于我的忠诚老实，应该没有疑问，因为我一直保持忠诚老实，我现在不会改变它。像我一个四十三年来一向是忠诚老实和善良的人，是不能够改变他的性质的；而且我贫穷，就是我为人忠诚老实和善良的证据。”——马基雅维利 1512年，四十三岁的马基雅维利在对自己做人格鉴定时，...
评分按常见的说法，《君主论》是现代政治科学的起源，其核心标志是它在思考政治问题时脱离了伦理学的考虑，进行一种中立的技术分析。也有人认为《君主论》是一本授恶之书，它为了实现民族解放这一似乎带有正面价值的目标而选择不择手段，从而，它为了拯救自己的祖国而放弃了拯救自...
评分学术与政治之间 从马基雅维里关于《君主论》的两封信说起 李华芳 学术和政治之间的关系是一个不简单的话题。有韦伯的名篇演讲和徐复观的名著在前，似乎没有多大讨论的必要。只是讨论马基雅维里在学术与政治之间的纠葛有点像金庸小说中的《广陵散》成绝响、曲洋却从东汉蔡邑墓...
评分马基雅维里之所以遭人憎恨，原因其实很简单，他就是那个皇帝的新衣里面的小孩，说出了许多大家心知肚明的事情。或许，大家只不过是云山雾罩般的生活在一个充满着道德欺骗和仁义至上的虚假国度中，但是马基雅维利毫不留情的用手术刀般的精准的洞见揭示了这个国度的生存法则，并...
评分用户评价
better to be feared than loved赫赫赫赫
评分very practical. thx
评分very practical. thx
评分可以视作手段服务目的的典型，在实际历史上却也不乏并不遵照马基雅维利这些规则的君主胜利或者持续了统治，比如美第奇家族。如果说他有一些大心的话，那可能是认为如此取得权力是在没有统一、派别过于散乱又有外敌入侵的最好方式，是达到一个共和国前手法伪善的必要过渡，但这层意思很隐含。从非实际角度来讲，它的方法建立于不先设任何对“美德”的理解并以此执行，而是按众民的弱点来设立规则、趋向力量与见风使舵。缺点显而易见，人不再跟随直觉的善而是目的的达成，但若这是为了可以达到共和国的发展阶段作出的牺牲，从历史时间的角度，人也只能客观看待。
评分从政治厚黑学的角度来说显得基础了，了解意大利及佛罗伦萨历史来讲还不错
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