具体描述
Rejecting the traditional values of political theory, Machiavelli drew upon his own experiences of office in the turbulent Florentine republic to write his celebrated treatise on statecraft. While Machiavelli was only one of the many Florentine "prophets of force," he differed from the ruling elite in recognizing the complexity and fluidity of political life.
Translated by George Bull
Introduction by Anthony Grafton
作者简介
Niccolò Machiavelli (born May 3, 1469, Florence-died June 21, 1527, Florence) Italian statesman, historian, and political theorist. He rose to power after the overthrow of Girolamo Savonarola, was appointed secretary and Second Chancellor to the Florentine Republic in 1498. Working as a diplomat for 14 years, he came in contact with the most powerful figures in Europe. He was dismissed when the Medici family returned to power in 1512, and during the next year he was arrested and tortured for conspiracy. Though soon released, he was not permitted to return to public office. His famous treatise The Prince (1513, published 1532) is a handbook for rulers; though dedicated to Lorenzo de' Medici, ruler of Florence from 1513, it failed to win Machiavelli his favour. Machiavelli viewed The Prince as an objective description of political reality. Because he viewed human nature as venal, grasping, and thoroughly self-serving, he suggested that ruthless cunning is appropriate to the conduct of government. Though admired for its incisive brilliance, the book also has been widely condemned as cynical and amoral, and “Machiavellian” has come to mean deceitful, unscrupulous, and manipulative. His other works include a set of discourses on Livy (completed c. 1518), the comedy The Mandrake (completed c. 1518), The Art of War (published 1521), and the Florentine Histories (completed c. 1525).
目录信息
Introduction
Translator's Note
Selected Books
Machiavelli's Principal Works
Letter to the Magnificent Lorenzo de Medici 1
I How many kinds of principality there are and the ways in which they are acquired 5
II Hereditary principalities 5
III Composite principalities 6
IV Why the kingdom of Darius conquered by Alexander did not rebel against his successors after his death 13
V How cities or principalities which lived under their own laws should be administered after being conquered 16
VI New principalities acquired by one's own arms and prowess 17
VII New principalities acquired with the help of fortune and foreign arms 20
VIII Those who come to power by crime 27
IX The constitutional principality 31
X How the strength of every principality should be measured 34
XI Ecclesiastical principalities 36
XII Military organization and mercenary troops 39
XIII Auxiliary, composite, and native troops 43
XIV How a prince should organize his militia 47
XV The things for which men, and especially princes, are praised or blamed 49
XVI Generosity and parsimony 51
XVII Cruelty and compassion; and whether it is better to be loved than feared, or the reverse 53
XVIII How princes should honour their word 56
XIX The need to avoid contempt and hatred 58
XX Whether fortresses and many of the other present-day expedients to which princes have recourse are useful or not 67
XXI How a prince must act to win honour 71
XXII A prince's personal staff 75
XXIII How flatterers must be shunned 76
XXIV Why the Italian princes have lost their states 78
XXV How far human affairs are governed by fortune, and how fortune can be opposed 79
XXVI Exhortation to liberate Italy from the barbarians 82
Glossary of Proper Names 86
Notes 99
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读后感
对人们最好是加以爱抚，要不然就必须消灭掉。这是因为人们如果受到了轻微的侵害，仍有能力进行报复； 但是对于沉重的伤害，他们就无能为力了。因此，当我们对一个人进行侵害时，应该彻底、不留后患，不给他任何报复的机会。 如果一个君主占领上面所说的地区，它在语言、习惯和...
评分很显然，马基雅维里是一代政治学导师。真实的太真实的，残忍与冷酷只配俯首于权力之下并供之驱使。不要把它们上升为人性之中阴暗一面，在我看来它比加州阳光还更令人心旷神怡。如果个人作为社会整体的一部分，那在各种需要层次被涵盖满足过后，君主就是自我实现的唯一途径。...
评分还没读完，就急不可待的想写一点感想。原谅我的随意。 也许是翻译的缘故，我觉得马基亚维利从头到尾似乎都是一个很矛盾的人，不敢肯定什么，同时也不敢轻易否定。 我欣赏他对王权的理解，他觉得政府如果作为一个维持统治的目的而存在，是可以利用一切所能考虑的...
评分以下是我读《君主论》时的书摘，摘到一半时，我突然发现，如果把文中的部分词汇改一下，这本《君主论》就可以变成一本可以指导男人追女人，解决一些困难的情感事务的《男人论》。 不过，当你开始阅读下面的文章前，最好心里有一个清楚的认识，就是“不择手段”是有前提...
评分我之前转发潘汉典先生悼文时随口提到商务印书馆出版的潘译本【君主论】因编辑与校对的失责存在不少错误，很多朋友嘱我将错误具体列出来。可惜我不住在中国，短期内很难拿到实体本，而原来友人送的自存本早已在迁居时遗失。目前我可以找到的版本，是网络流传的PDF，既无从得知是...
用户评价
Some points are still not outdated to this day. Suggestions on internal affairs mostly consisted of maintaining the prince’s public images, while going in detail about wartime governance. At least he doesn’t encourage confiscating people’s property, even 16th century western political thought is more humanitarian than 中国◯◯党。
评分我赞成这本书90%的观点⋯
评分Some points are still not outdated to this day. Suggestions on internal affairs mostly consisted of maintaining the prince’s public images, while going in detail about wartime governance. At least he doesn’t encourage confiscating people’s property, even 16th century western political thought is more humanitarian than 中国◯◯党。
评分very practical. thx
评分可以视作手段服务目的的典型，在实际历史上却也不乏并不遵照马基雅维利这些规则的君主胜利或者持续了统治，比如美第奇家族。如果说他有一些大心的话，那可能是认为如此取得权力是在没有统一、派别过于散乱又有外敌入侵的最好方式，是达到一个共和国前手法伪善的必要过渡，但这层意思很隐含。从非实际角度来讲，它的方法建立于不先设任何对“美德”的理解并以此执行，而是按众民的弱点来设立规则、趋向力量与见风使舵。缺点显而易见，人不再跟随直觉的善而是目的的达成，但若这是为了可以达到共和国的发展阶段作出的牺牲，从历史时间的角度，人也只能客观看待。
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