This book uses a cultural interaction approach to discuss numerous temples and shrines of Sinitic origin that house Daoist, Buddhist, and folk gods. Such deities were transmitted outside the Chinese continent, or were introduced from other regions and syncretized. Examples include temple guardian gods that arrived in Japan from China and later became deified as part of the Five Mountain system, and a Daoist deity that transformed into a god in Japan after syncretizing with Myōken Bosatsu. The profoundly different images of Ksitigarbha in China and Japan are discussed, as well as Mt. Jiuhua, the center of Ksitigarbha in modern China. Lastly, the process by which Sinitic gods were transmitted to regions outside of the Chinese continent, such as Taiwan, Singapore, and Okinawa, is explored.
Foreword
This book discusses numerous temples and shrines of Sinitic origin through the methodology of cultural interaction. The subjects of analysis are several Daoist and Buddhist gods, folk gods, and Bodhisattvas, but nearly all are limited to gods that were transmitted and deified outside the Chinese continent, or were introduced from other regions and syncretized.
In the first section, “Cultural Interaction and Sinitic Gods in Japanese Buddhist Temples,” I consider mainly the deities and Bodhisattvas that were introduced to Japan. In Chapter 1 of Section I, “Temple Guardian Gods in the Sino-Japanese Five Mountain System and Cultural Interaction,” I discuss such temple guardian gods as Zhaobao Qilang Dadi and Cishan Zhang Dadi, which arrived in Kamakura-period Japan from Southern Song China, and later came to be deified as part of the Five Mountain system. In contrast to Japan, belief in these gods later waned in China.
Huaguang Dadi (Kakō Taitei), treated in Chapter 2, “Temple Guardian Gods of the Ōbaku School of Zen Buddhism and Cultural Interaction,” arrived in Japan at the beginning of the Edo period together with the Ōbaku School of Zen Buddhism. Statues of these temple guardian gods were later built throughout Japan, but their origin has been forgotten. Belief in Huaguang declined in China during the Qing period.
In Chapter 3, “Cultural Interaction: Myōken Bosatsu and the God Zhenwu,” I analyze how Zhenwu Daodi was transformed from the Daoist deity Xuanwu of antiquity to becoming an object of worship in Japan after syncretizing with Myōken Bosatsu.
In Chapter 4, “Differences and Cultural Interaction between the Japanese and Chinese Bodhisattva Ksitigarbha,” I examine the profoundly different images of Ksitigarbha in China and Japan as well as how the gods are deified. I also discuss Mt. Jiuhua, which is currently the center of Ksitigarbha in modern China.
In Section II, “Travels and Cultural Interaction of the Gods in Asia,” I discuss the process by which Sinitic gods were transmitted to regions outside of the Chinese continent and subsequently became objects of worship in various areas of Asia.
In Chapter 1 of Section II, “Temples and Cultural Interaction in Taiwan and Singapore,” I consider the gods worshipped in the current temples of Taiwan and Singapore as a basis upon which to examine the origins of belief in the Fujian and Guangdong regions. The gods discussed in this chapter include Baosheng Dadi, Kaizhang Shenwang, and Guangze Zunwang.
In Chapter 2 of this section, “Sinitic Gods and Cultural Interaction in Nagasaki and Okinawa,” I analyze still extant Sinitic temples such as Chinese temples in Nagasaki and the Shisei Confucian Temple in Naha, Okinawa.
Other scholars have, of course, also researched these deities; this book could not have been written without their seminal work. The methodology of cultural interaction studies, however, is new and should provide fresh insights into the field. Take, for example, Zhaobao Qilang, covered in Chapter 1, Section I. This god was a popular object of worship from the Song through the Yuan periods in the Zhejiang region, and arrived in Japan during the Kamakura period as part of the Five Mountain culture. Belief in this deity subsequently waned in China, and now there are almost no traces of temples to this god remaining in China. Consequently, there has been no research done on Zhaobao Qilang from the perspectives of Daoism or folk religion. Rather, research has been conducted within the paradigms of Zen Buddhism, art history, or Sino-Japanese intercultural history. Scholarship on Zhaobao Qilang is also found in works on popular Chinese literature. The point here is that research has extended over many fields. I believe that in order to research a deity of this character it is necessary to analyze the subject by using the inclusive approach of cultural interaction studies.
I personally believe that the advantage of cultural interaction studies is that it encompasses pluralistic approaches to scholarship and fieldwork. To use the example of Zhaobao Qilang again, written records are nearly non-existent; all that remains are statues in Japanese Zen Buddhist temples and some remnants in Chinese temples. There are even cases in which the monks themselves do not know the identity of this god. This phenomenon compelled me to visit the temples in question myself to verify the identity of the statues. Fortunately, there was still a statue of Zhaobao Qilang at Ayuwang Temple in Ningbo, China. It had mistakenly been identified as a statue of King Asoka. Thus, one of the most crucial methodologies involved in cultural interaction studies is to match written records with on-site investigations.
I also felt that electronic repositories were essential to my research. As mentioned earlier, cultural interaction studies require research that cuts across various fields, but if there are many divergent fields involved, the amount of documentation naturally becomes overwhelming. It is also quite difficult to search for materials outside of one’s area of expertise. In order to address this problem, it is necessary to process large amounts of data in a short period using available electronic tools. To return again to the example of Zhaobao Qilang, I was able to ascertain through searching Kansai University’s repository, the Database of Chinese Classic Ancient Books (Zhongguo Jiben Gujiku, that there was reference to the deity in an anthology by a Song period literati. Such a discovery would have been impossible without recourse to the database. Of course, problems arise when one uses the search engine without due circumspection.
Yoshihiro Nikaidō is Professor of Asian Cultural studies at the Kansai University, Japan.
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不得不说,这本书《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》简直满足了我对亚洲民间宗教研究的无限遐想。我一直对那些在城市喧嚣中被遗忘的角落里,依然生机勃勃的民间信仰深深着迷。比如,那些隐藏在山林、河流、甚至寻常巷陌中的神灵,它们可能没有宏伟的寺庙,没有复杂的教义,但却与普通民众的生活息息相关,在他们的喜怒哀乐、生老病死中扮演着重要的角色。我很好奇,这些民间信仰是如何在这种“互动”中得以延续和发展的?它们是否在与其他主流宗教的接触中,吸收了某些元素,又保留了自身独特的传统?例如,在一些地区,人们会将佛教或道教的神祇融入到他们原有的神灵体系中,或者用佛教的仪轨来祭祀本土的神明,这种“借力打力”的策略,我很好奇其背后的文化心理和社会动因。再比如,在殖民时期,外来宗教的传入,对当地的民间信仰产生了怎样的冲击?是强制的同化,还是顽强的抵抗,亦或是巧妙的融合?我希望这本书能够深入探讨这些问题,揭示民间信仰在文化互动中的复杂性和韧性,而不是仅仅停留在表面的描述。我希望它能展现出,即使在现代化的浪潮下,那些古老的信仰依然以各种意想不到的方式,继续滋养着人们的精神世界,并不断适应着时代的变迁。
评分阅读《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》的初衷,源于我对亚洲历史文化中那些“隐秘的线索”的追寻。我一直觉得,与其说民间宗教是独立的信仰体系,不如说是文化互动的活化石。书名中的“文化互动”几个字,立刻点燃了我探究的欲望。我很好奇,在亚洲大陆这个文化的十字路口,不同的宗教信仰是如何跨越地理界限,在人类的迁徙、贸易、征服和传播中相互影响,从而形成今天我们所看到的,既相似又迥异的宗教面貌?例如,我一直对“神话的传播与变异”这一现象感到着迷,一个古老的神话故事,在经过不同文化群体的口耳相传和解读后,会发生怎样的演变?它在新的文化土壤中,又会产生哪些新的意义和象征?又比如,某些宗教仪式和祭祀习俗,是如何随着人口的流动和商业的往来,在亚洲各地流传并被本土化,甚至与其他信仰的仪式相互融合,形成新的实践的?我期待这本书能够提供详实的案例,深入剖析这些“互动”的具体机制和过程,揭示出在看似平静的民间信仰背后,所蕴含的复杂的人类社会交往和文化演变的力量。
评分对于《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》这本书,我抱有极大的期待。我一直认为,民间宗教不仅仅是宗教,更是承载着一个民族的集体记忆、价值观念和社会结构的重要载体。当这些民间宗教与其他文化发生“互动”时,其内部的张力与演变就变得尤为引人入胜。我非常想了解,在亚洲这个文化光谱异常丰富的地区,不同宗教之间是如何通过长期的接触和交流,相互借鉴、相互影响,甚至产生新的宗教形式的。例如,我一直对“泛灵论”在亚洲的广泛传播感到好奇,它如何与其他有神论宗教共存,甚至相互渗透?又例如,在一些边境地区,跨国界的文化互动是否催生了更为复杂和独特的宗教实践?我希望这本书能够超越简单的宗教史的梳理,深入分析这些文化互动背后的权力关系、社会经济因素以及个体层面的信仰选择。我渴望看到书中能够提供具体的案例研究,比如某个地方的祭祀仪式如何随着外来文化的引入而改变,或者某个神祇的故事如何在不同文化背景下被重新诠释。我相信,只有深入到这些具体的细节中,才能真正理解亚洲民间宗教文化的丰富性和动态性。
评分拿到《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》这本书,我第一个念头就是,终于有了一本能够深入探讨我一直以来感兴趣的主题的书籍。我一直认为,亚洲的民间宗教,其最迷人的特质之一,便是它们无时无刻不在进行的“文化互动”。书名中的“文化互动”几个字,立刻就吸引了我,因为它直接指向了我内心深处的好奇。我迫切地想知道,在亚洲这片古老而充满活力的土地上,不同的民间信仰体系是如何通过历史上的迁徙、贸易、战争、以及和平交流,相互渗透、相互影响,最终塑造出今天我们所见的,既独立又相互关联的宗教图景的?例如,我一直对“神话叙事的跨文化传播与本土化变异”这一现象感到着迷,一个古老的神话故事,在传播过程中,会经历怎样的修改和重塑,以适应新的文化语境?又比如,在殖民时期,外来宗教的传入,对当地的民间信仰产生了怎样的影响,是颠覆性的冲击,还是巧妙的融合?我期待这本书能够提供详实的案例研究,深入分析这些“互动”的具体方式和历史轨迹,展现出亚洲民间宗教文化的丰富性与动态性。
评分《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》这本书,简直就像是一把钥匙,为我打开了理解亚洲民间宗教文化的宝库。我一直对那些在历史长河中,不同宗教信仰之间发生的“互动”过程,以及这些互动如何塑造了最终的信仰形态充满了好奇。书名中的“文化互动”这几个字,精准地击中了我的兴趣点。我迫切地想知道,在亚洲这个文化交融的大熔炉里,那些分散在各地的民间宗教,是如何在与其他宗教,甚至是不同文明的接触中,相互影响、相互吸收、相互演变的?例如,我一直对“宗教符号的跨文化解读与再创造”这一现象感到着迷,同一个宗教符号,在不同的文化语境下,会被赋予怎样不同的含义,又会被如何重新诠释和使用?又比如,在历史上,哪些大规模的迁徙和贸易活动,深刻地影响了亚洲民间宗教的传播和融合?我期待这本书能够提供鲜活的案例,深入剖析这些“互动”的具体过程,展现出亚洲民间宗教在文化交流中的活力与韧性。
评分《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》这本书,让我对亚洲民间宗教的理解,从一个初步的兴趣,上升到了对文化互动层面更深的探究。我始终觉得,任何一种民间宗教,都无法脱离其所处的文化生态系统,而“互动”正是这个生态系统中最重要的组成部分。书名中的“文化互动”这几个字,正是开启我深入思考的钥匙。我一直好奇,在亚洲这个地理和文化都极其丰富的区域,不同的民间宗教之间,是如何通过漫长而复杂的互动,互相学习、互相借鉴,甚至互相“改造”的?例如,我一直对“宗教节日与世俗生活的融合”这一现象感到着迷,许多宗教节日,在经过不同文化的影响后,是如何增添了新的元素,又如何成为连接社区、维系社会关系的重要纽带?又比如,在历史上的不同时期,哪些政治、经济因素,促进或阻碍了不同宗教信仰之间的互动,并最终影响了民间宗教的面貌?我期待这本书能够提供更深入的分析,不仅仅是描述现象,更是探讨“互动”背后的深层原因。
评分手捧《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》这本书,我的思绪早已飘向了亚洲那些古老而神秘的土地。我一直认为,民间宗教的魅力,很大程度上在于它与生俱来的“互动性”。书名中的“文化互动”几个字,恰恰是我最为关注的焦点。我非常想了解,在亚洲这个文化交汇的大陆上,不同的民间信仰体系是如何在历史的长河中,通过各种形式的交流与碰撞,相互渗透、相互影响,从而演变出今天我们所看到的丰富多彩的宗教图景的?例如,我一直对“地方性神祇的泛化与区域性神话的形成”这一现象感到好奇,某个地方的小神,是如何通过与其他神祇的交流,被纳入更宏大的神谱,又如何通过传播,成为一个区域性的文化符号?又比如,在商业贸易和人口迁徙的过程中,哪些宗教习俗和仪式被带到了新的地域,又如何在新的环境中被本土化,甚至与其他信仰的仪式相结合?我期待这本书能够深入探讨这些“互动”的具体机制和历史过程,展现出亚洲民间宗教在文化交流中的动态演变。
评分刚拿到这本书《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》,封面上那几个字就带着一股历史的厚重感,让人立刻联想到那些古老的传说、神秘的仪式,以及在亚洲广袤土地上流传的无数民间信仰。我之所以会选择它,很大程度上是被书名中“文化互动”这几个字所吸引。我一直对不同文化之间是如何相互影响、渗透,并在宗教信仰这一载体上留下印记充满了好奇。例如,我一直想知道,在佛教传入中国后,是如何与本土的道教、儒家思想以及早已存在的民间神祇融合,最终形成了我们现在所熟知的中国传统宗教形态的?这种融合并非简单的叠加,而是深刻的相互塑造,诞生了许多独具特色的信仰体系和实践方式。又比如,在东南亚地区,印度教、佛教、伊斯兰教以及 indigenous 的 animistic beliefs 又是如何交织在一起,催生出那些充满异域风情的宗教仪式和节日庆典的?这些“互动”的过程,往往伴随着贸易、迁徙、征服和文化交流,它们如同看不见的线,将亚洲各地看似独立的信仰系统紧密地联系在一起,形成了一幅波澜壮阔的宗教文化画卷。这本书的出版,无疑为我打开了一扇窥探这些奥秘的窗户,我迫切地想在其中寻找答案,了解那些隐藏在古老传说背后的文化逻辑,以及不同信仰体系在碰撞与融合中所产生的化学反应。
评分我选择《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》这本书,很大程度上是出于对亚洲地区宗教多样性与文化交融的浓厚兴趣。我一直认为,任何一种宗教的形成和发展,都离不开它所处的社会文化环境,而民间宗教更是如此,它们往往与当地的社会生活、习俗、甚至是地理环境紧密相连。这本书的“文化互动”这一主题,恰恰触及了我内心深处的疑问:在亚洲这个历史悠久、文化多元的大陆上,不同的宗教信仰是如何在漫长的历史长河中相互碰撞、相互渗透,并最终塑造出我们今天所见到的丰富多彩的宗教图景的?我尤其好奇,那些在主流宗教之外、默默存在于民间角落的信仰体系,它们在面对外来宗教的传入时,是如何保持自身特色,又如何在“互动”中演变的?例如,我一直想知道,在一些地区,佛教、印度教、伊斯兰教等大型宗教,是如何与原有的本土泛灵信仰相结合,催生出独特的混合性宗教现象的?这种融合并非单向的吸收,而是一种双向的塑造,既有外来宗教的深刻影响,也有本土信仰的顽强生命力。我期待这本书能够深入挖掘这些“互动”的具体过程和机制,展现出亚洲民间宗教在文化交流中的复杂性、创造性和韧性,而不是简单地将它们视为孤立的现象。
评分当我翻开《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》这本书,我的脑海中立刻浮现出亚洲大陆那广袤而多样的文化图景。我一直坚信,民间宗教的生命力,恰恰体现在其与周围环境、其他文化的“互动”之中。这本书的书名,精准地捕捉了我一直以来对这个领域的好奇点。我非常想了解,在亚洲这个充满历史沉淀和文化交流的地域,不同的民间信仰体系是如何在长期的接触和影响下,相互借鉴、相互塑造,甚至催生出新的信仰形式的?例如,我一直对“神灵的跨文化传播与本土化”这一现象充满好奇,一个在某个地区备受尊崇的神祇,当其信仰传播到另一个文化语境时,会发生怎样的转变?它会保留原有的神格属性,还是会与当地的神灵形象融合,甚至被赋予新的职责和故事?又比如,那些在特定地域流行的祭祀活动和节日庆典,它们是如何在与其他文化的碰撞中,不断调整和演变的?我希望这本书能够提供具体的历史证据和民族志材料,深入分析这些“互动”背后的动力机制,展示出亚洲民间宗教在文化交流中的生动性和复杂性。
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