The Rise and Decline of Nations

The Rise and Decline of Nations pdf epub mobi txt 电子书 下载 2026

出版者:Yale University Press
作者:Mancur Olson
出品人:
页数:276
译者:
出版时间:1984-9-10
价格:USD 25.00
装帧:Paperback
isbn号码:9780300030792
丛书系列:
图书标签:
  • 政治学
  • 经济学
  • economics
  • 政治
  • 奥尔森
  • PoliticalEconomy
  • 经济
  • politics
  • 历史
  • 政治
  • 经济
  • 国际关系
  • 国家兴衰
  • 文明
  • 地缘政治
  • 权力
  • 社会
  • 全球化
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具体描述

The years since World War II have seen rapid shifts in the relative positions of different countries and regions. Leading political economist Mancur Olson offers a new and compelling theory to explain these shifts in fortune and then tests his theory against evidence from many periods of history and many parts of the world.

“[T]his elegant, readable book. . . sets out to explain why economies succumb to the ‘British disease,’ the kind of stagnation and demoralization that is now sweeping Europe and North America. . . . A convincing book that could make a big difference in the way we think about modern economic problems.”—Peter Passell, The New York Times Book Review

“Schumpeter and Keynes would have hailed the insights Olson gives into the sicknesses of the modern mixed economy.”—Paul A. Samuelson, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

“One of the really important books in social science of the past half-century.”—Scott Gordon, The Canadian Journal of Economics

“The thesis of this brilliant book is that the longer a society enjoys political stability, the more likely it is to develop powerful special-interest lobbies that in turn make it less efficient economically.”—Charles Peters, The Washington Monthly

“Remarkable. The fundamental ideas are simple, yet they provide insight into a wide array of social and historical issues. . . . The Rise and Decline of Nations promises to be a subject of productive interdisciplinary argument for years to come.”—Robert O. Keohane, Journal of Economic Literature

“I urgently recommend it to all economists and to a great many non-economists.”—Gordon Tullock, Public Choice

“Olson’s theory is illuminating and there is no doubt that The Rise and Decline of Nations will exert much influence on ideas and politics for many decades to come.”—Pierre Lemieux, Reason

Co-winner of the 1983 American Political Science Association’s Gladys M. Kammerer Award for the best book on U.S. national policy

作者简介

Mancur Lloyd Olson, Jr. (pronounced /ˈmæŋsɜr/; January 22, 1932–February 19, 1998) was a leading American economist and social scientist who, at the time of his death, worked at the University of Maryland, College Park. Among other areas, he made contributions to institutional economics on the role of private property, taxation, public goods, collective action and contract rights in economic development. Olson focused on the logical basis of interest group membership and participation. The reigning political theories of his day granted groups an almost primordial status. Some appealed to a natural human instinct for herding, others ascribed the formation of groups that are rooted in kinship to the process of modernization. Olson offered a radically different account of the logical basis of organized collective action.

In his first book, The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups, he theorized that “only a separate and ‘selective’ incentive will stimulate a rational individual in a latent group to act in a group-oriented way”; that is, only a benefit reserved strictly for group members will motivate one to join and contribute to the group. This means that individuals will act collectively to provide private goods, but not to provide public goods.

In 1982, he expanded the scope of his earlier work in an attempt to explain The Rise and Decline of Nations. The idea is that small distributional coalitions tend to form over time in countries. Groups like cotton-farmers, steel-producers, and labor unions will have the incentives to form lobby groups and influence policies in their favor. These policies will tend to be protectionist and anti-technology, and will therefore hurt economic growth; but since the benefits of these policies are selective incentives concentrated amongst the few coalitions members, while the costs are diffused throughout the whole population, the "Logic" dictates that there will be little public resistance to them. Hence as time goes on, and these distributional coalitions accumulate in greater and greater numbers, the nation burdened by them will fall into economic decline. Olson's idea is cited as an influence behind the Calmfors-Driffill hypothesis of collective bargaining.

In his final book, Power and Prosperity, Olson distinguished between the economic effects of different types of government, in particular, tyranny, anarchy and democracy. Olson argued that a "roving bandit" (under anarchy) has an incentive only to steal and destroy, whilst a "stationary bandit" (a tyrant) has an incentive to encourage a degree of economic success, since he will expect to be in power long enough to take a share of it. The stationary bandit thereby takes on the primordial function of government - protection of his citizens and property against roving bandits. Olson saw in the move from roving bandits to stationary bandits the seeds of civilization, paving the way for democracy, which improves incentives for good government by more closely aligning it with the wishes of the population

目录信息

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[美] 曼瑟·奥尔森, 上海世纪出版集团,2007. 前有《集体行动的逻辑》,后有《权力与繁荣》,可以看作是承上启下的一本书,也可作为是《集体行动的逻辑》的姊妹篇。不过,本书对衰落讨论地较多,故而也为《权力与繁荣》一书留下了空间。 研究的核心问题: 为什么有的国家兴盛...

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[美] 曼瑟·奥尔森, 上海世纪出版集团,2007. 前有《集体行动的逻辑》,后有《权力与繁荣》,可以看作是承上启下的一本书,也可作为是《集体行动的逻辑》的姊妹篇。不过,本书对衰落讨论地较多,故而也为《权力与繁荣》一书留下了空间。 研究的核心问题: 为什么有的国家兴盛...

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[美] 曼瑟·奥尔森, 上海世纪出版集团,2007. 前有《集体行动的逻辑》,后有《权力与繁荣》,可以看作是承上启下的一本书,也可作为是《集体行动的逻辑》的姊妹篇。不过,本书对衰落讨论地较多,故而也为《权力与繁荣》一书留下了空间。 研究的核心问题: 为什么有的国家兴盛...

用户评价

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简直是一场酣畅淋漓的智力冒险!这本书的语言风格就像一位经验丰富的大师级棋手,每一步落子都深思熟虑,看似不紧不慢,实则每一步都在构建一个无懈可击的陷阱。作者在处理历史的复杂性时,展现出一种近乎残酷的清醒,他毫不留情地揭示了那些被浪漫化叙事所掩盖的,关于精英阶层自我延续的机制。我特别喜欢作者对“组织惰性”的分析,那种对官僚体系内部效率递减过程的描绘,简直可以作为管理学教科书的反面案例来研究。他并没有停留在对“好政府”的空泛呼唤上,而是深入到制度的微观层面,探讨了信息不对称如何一步步腐蚀决策的质量,最终导致国家失去对未来进行有效规划的能力。阅读过程中,我常常需要停下来,对照着自己对当前时局的认知进行反思,那种“原来如此”的顿悟感,是很少有学术著作能给予的。它不是一本让人读完心情愉悦的书,但绝对是一本能让你思想层面得到极大拓展的书。它的深度和广度,要求读者必须具备一定的背景知识储备,否则很容易在海量的信息和精妙的论证链中迷失方向。

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这本书给我的感受,更像是在进行一次漫长而艰苦的登山,沿途风景变幻莫测,时而豁然开朗,时而又被浓雾完全吞噬。作者的论证风格极其独特,他似乎总是在试图打破我们对“进步”的固有认知,质疑那些被奉为圭臬的线性发展模型。我对他如何运用跨文化比较来佐证自己的观点印象深刻,他不仅仅局限于西方世界的经验教训,而是将视野投向了更广阔的地理和时间尺度,这使得他的结论具有了更强的普适性和警示意义。尤其是在讨论文化资本的代际传递问题时,那种对社会流动性停滞的细腻刻画,让我深感不安,同时也理解了为何某些社会现象似乎陷入了无法打破的循环怪圈。这本书的结构安排也颇具匠心,看似松散的章节实则环环相扣,最终汇集成一个关于系统性风险的巨大图景。它挑战了许多乐观主义的历史观,提供了一种更为审慎、甚至略带悲观的视角来看待人类社会的长期走向。

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这本书的叙事如同苏格兰高地的迷雾,初读时让人感到一种沉甸甸的历史重量,仿佛置身于某个古老王朝的黄昏。作者的笔触极其细腻,尤其在描摹社会结构变迁时,那种近乎病理学的解剖,令人印象深刻。我尤其欣赏他对于“中产阶级幻觉”的论述,那种在经济繁荣的表象下,权力核心如何悄然进行着不可逆转的权力重组的观察,精准得让人不寒而栗。他没有采取那种宏大叙事一览无余的视角,而是通过一系列看似零散却又紧密关联的案例——比如某个特定时期内,特定行业精英的婚姻模式变化,或者某一地区公共教育投入的微妙下滑——来构建起一个关于国家衰落的精巧模型。这种非线性的叙事方式,初看可能有些晦涩,但一旦跟上作者的思维节奏,便能体会到其中蕴含的深层逻辑。读完后,我感觉自己对现代政治经济学的许多定论都产生了某种健康的怀疑,它迫使你跳出主流叙事,去审视那些被光鲜的GDP数字所掩盖的,更为幽暗、更具决定性的结构性病灶。这本书的价值不在于提供廉价的答案,而在于提出了一系列极具挑战性的、需要我们用毕生精力去思考的难题。

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如果说大多数关于国家命运的书籍都在描绘“如何成功”,那么这本书则是在精心地解剖“为何失败”。作者的文风冷峻而富有洞察力,他像一位经验丰富的外科医生,用最锋利的解剖刀,剖开了权力结构内部那些不易察觉的裂痕。我最欣赏他对于“符号性政治”与“实质性治理”之间张力的探讨,很多时候,一个国家看起来在积极行动,但实际上,这些行动仅仅是为了满足内部既得利益集团对“正在行动”的错觉。这种对表象和实质的区分,是这本书最具穿透力的部分。他似乎对人类在面对结构性危机时的集体无能有着深刻的理解,并将其归结为一系列可量化的、可追踪的制度反馈循环。阅读这本书的过程,与其说是吸收知识,不如说是在进行一场关于权力本质的哲学思辨。它不提供速效药方,它提供的是诊断工具,让你能够更清晰地看到自己所处环境中的病灶所在,即便这个真相是令人不快的。

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这是一部需要反复咀嚼才能品出其中滋味的著作。作者的行文节奏非常稳定,不急不躁,仿佛在讲述一个注定会发生的悲剧,既无力挽回,又必须被完整记录下来。我发现这本书在处理“时间尺度”上的拿捏非常到位,它不满足于解释十年或二十年的波动,而是将时间轴拉伸到足以展现出文明周期性衰退的宏大背景之下。他对于国家精英阶层在面对外部冲击时所展现出的“认知僵化”的分析,尤其发人深省。这种僵化并非源于愚昧,而是源于他们过去成功经验的过度泛化,使得他们对新的、异质性的挑战产生了系统性的免疫反应。这本书对于社会凝聚力的消解过程描绘得极为细致,那种从核心到边缘的信任瓦解,并非一蹴而就,而是通过一系列微小的、日常的制度失灵累积而成的。读完后,我被深深地震撼了,它以一种近乎无可辩驳的逻辑,构建了一个关于复杂系统如何自我瓦解的悲剧模型,让人对人类社会的发展轨迹不得不报以更深的敬畏与警惕。

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奥氏自己运用集体行动理论分析政治经济问题的著作。自信完美解释英国从增长走向停滞、美国南北经济发展速度差异、战后西方各主要资本主义经济体的经济增长和停滞,对其他地区情况则由于资料不足而着墨不多。民主政治、固定疆界和繁复法律有时候是福祸相依;战争和动乱若能消灭分利集团根基,事后在稳定政权下反能创造高速增长,似符合中国。后人多称颂其分利集团从事集体行动以游说保护特殊利益之精美论述,但奥氏野心其实更大:他试图以此论为基础介入当代宏观经济学中凯恩斯与货币主义/理性预期均衡理论的大辩论,力陈分利集团集体行动其实是导致凯恩斯未解释的工资/价格粘性的来源,甚至由于分利集团在政府不行政干预的情况下仍然存在,亦足以使货币主义者构建理论时的经济出清、无政府干预、自动均衡等假设无效。最后期盼相当激烈:消灭利益集团!

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本书尝试论证一点:随着西方社会进入和平稳定发展的阶段,拥有共同利益倾向的个体、团体会逐渐聚集,并形成社会影响力。这些广泛分布的特殊利益集体(例如工会)会降低社会的生产效率,而目前西方的两党制政治体制不足以解决这些社会利益团体所带来的问题。事实上,作者仅说对了一半。详见书评。

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本书尝试论证一点:随着西方社会进入和平稳定发展的阶段,拥有共同利益倾向的个体、团体会逐渐聚集,并形成社会影响力。这些广泛分布的特殊利益集体(例如工会)会降低社会的生产效率,而目前西方的两党制政治体制不足以解决这些社会利益团体所带来的问题。事实上,作者仅说对了一半。详见书评。

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chapter 3, implications. once continued stability and accumulate more distributional coalitions, adverse influence on the eco growth.

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