Born in 1948, Tony Judt was raised in the East End of London by a mother whose parents had immigrated from Russia and a Belgian father who descended from a line of Lithuanian rabbis. Judt was educated at Emanuel School, before receiving a BA (1969) and PhD (1972) in history from the University of Cambridge.
Like many other Jewish parents living in postwar Europe, his mother and father were secular, but they sent him to Hebrew school and steeped him in the Yiddish culture of his grandparents, which Judt says he still thinks of wistfully. Urged on by his parents, Judt enthusiastically waded into the world of Israeli politics at age 15. He helped promote the migration of British Jews to Israel. In 1966, having won an exhibition to King's College Cambridge, he took a gap year and went to work on kibbutz Machanaim. When Nasser expelled UN troops from Sinai in 1967, and Israel mobilized for war, like many European Jews, he volunteered to replace kibbutz members who had been called up. During and in the aftermath of the Six-Day War, he worked as a driver and translator for the Israel Defense Forces.
But during the aftermath of the war, Judt's belief in the Zionist enterprise began to unravel. "I went with this idealistic fantasy of creating a socialist, communitarian country through work," Judt has said. The problem, he began to believe, was that this view was "remarkably unconscious of the people who had been kicked out of the country and were suffering in refugee camps to make this fantasy possible."
Career: King's College, Cambridge, England, fellow, 1972-78; University of California at Berkeley, assistant professor, 1978-80; St. Anne's College, Oxford University, Oxford, England, fellow, 1980-87; New York University, New York, NY, professor of history, 1987--, director of Remarque Institute, 1995--.
Awards: American Council of Learned Societies, fellow, 1980; British Academy Award for Research, 1984; Nuffield Foundation fellow, 1986; Guggenheim fellow, 1989; Pulitzer Prize in general nonfiction finalist, 2006, for Postwar: A History of Europe since 1945.
In this timely new book, a distinguished intellectual historian offers us cogent and persuasive responses to these urgent topical questions: What are the prospects for the European Union? If they are not wholly rosy, why is that? And, in any event, how much does it matter whether a united Europe does or does not come about, on whatever terms?
很简短但精当、不乏洞见的关于战后欧洲的论述。朱特把视野主要集中在“欧洲”的含义和欧盟问题上。 几个印象深刻的点: 1 “中欧”问题(及社会主义运动在其中的影响) 2 柏林墙的倒塌与东欧剧变对于德国地位的改变、“欧洲”重心的东移和欧盟面对广阔东欧的困境(是否吸收东欧...
评分要评论分析这本书简直没有插足余地,因为这本书自己就是最佳的评论分析,随便从哪一页引一段话,都充满对欧洲政治文化经济最一针见血的描述、分析、定位,无论是欧洲共同体的形成,欧洲成员国内部的权力转移和意识变化,挑战与选择,还是在我看来对中国人最值得认真参考的,东...
评分上月欧洲知识分子群体发表声明,呼吁拯救欧洲,欧洲怎么了,它又何以至此?欧洲危机背后,既是全球范围的民主危机的延续,又有欧洲的本土问题,对于后者,托尼·朱特教授的《论欧洲》从历史的视角,早先预言了欧洲的未来。欧洲意识是如何形成的?欧盟是群体幻想还是历史真实?...
评分第1章 美好幻觉 事实上,为了克服共同的问题而将经济利益捆绑起来的做法完全不是新发明。欧洲“合众国”的想法早在19世纪中叶就被提出了[法兰西第二共和国的《箴言报》(Le Moniteur)在1848年2月对其进行了鼓吹]。此外,还有多种方案提出以瑞士的州制度为模板建立欧洲经济联...
评分中国与欧洲分处于亚欧大陆的东西两端,两者面积相差无几,但却孕育了两种截然不同的文明——东方的中国自古以来就崇尚大一统,长时间作为一个统一的国家存在;而西端的欧洲则除了罗马帝国外就没有统一过,始终处在邦国林立、战乱不断的状态中。20世纪上半叶,欧洲各国更是因为...
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