Sexual Behavior in the Human Male

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出版者:Indiana University Press
作者:Alfred Charles Kinsey
出品人:
页数:824
译者:
出版时间:1998
价格:$48.00
装帧:hardcover
isbn号码:9780253334121
丛书系列:
图书标签:
  • Alfred_Kinsey
  • 性學
  • 美国
  • 性学
  • 美國
  • 社会学的想象力
  • 社会学
  • 性行为
  • 男性
  • 人类学
  • 心理学
  • 性医学
  • 生殖健康
  • 性生理学
  • 性心理学
  • 医学研究
  • 社会学
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具体描述

From The New England Journal of Medicine ® February 18, 1999 The Massachusetts Medical Society. All rights reserved.

These three reprinted books contain most of the published statistical data taken from the original interview schedules used by Alfred Kinsey and his colleagues from 1938 to 1963 to gather sexual histories. Except for two topically focused books published by other authors after Kinsey's death, the ideas and data in these books represent the bulk of Kinsey's intellectual and empirical contribution to sex research. It is appropriate that they be reprinted in 1998, the 50th anniversary of the original publication of Sexual Behavior in the Human Male. It was with this first book that knowledge about sexuality garnered from a scientific survey burst into the consciousness of the American public. This book and its companion, Sexual Behavior in the Human Female, published in 1953, introduced a new way of thinking and talking about sexuality to American (and world) culture.

The practice of sexuality was quite varied in the United States before the publication of these books, but it was largely unrecorded, at least by scientists. Before the late 1940s, the sexual lives of most people were shaped by personal experiments, isolated sexual encounters, uninformed gossip, media sensation, and moral condemnation (not necessarily in that order). The national myth was that most people were obedient to a traditional set of sexual rules and those who were not were relatively rare and defective in morals or willpower.

It was against this background of repression and prurience that Kinsey asserted the right of science to speak about sexual behavior. As a scientist, Kinsey spoke and wrote plainly, using language about sexuality that was rarely heard or read at the time. The facts reported in the book on men's sexual behavior were at fundamental variance with the myths. Kinsey reported that the practice of masturbation was nearly universal among men (90 percent did it), that homosexual relations were widely experienced (37 percent had done it once), that premarital sexual relations were common (most college men did it), that half of married men had had extramarital sexual relations, and that oral sex was routine in deed if not in public discourse (70 percent of educated husbands said they and their wives had done it).

But it was not only these facts that evoked a powerful negative response from traditional figures in churches, legislatures, and the press. The book also had a strong reformist tone, with Kinsey arguing, completely in the American grain, that progress in dealing with sexual problems could only be made by objectively uncovering the facts of sexual life. That the reported sexual practices of American men differed from moral expectations was (in Kinsey's interpretation) evidence of the power of sexuality and not a mark of moral decay. The problems associated with sexuality were a consequence of social repression, not inherent to sexuality itself.

The controversy engendered by this first book caused Kinsey's second book, Sexual Behavior in the Human Female, to be eagerly anticipated by his critics, his defenders, the media, and the public. Its publication in 1953 was met with an equal if not greater storm than the publication of the book on men. Kinsey's evidence suggested that women were less behaviorally active than men in all aspects of sexual life but that they were still more sexual than traditional views allowed. However, the focus of the media on the statistical findings about sexual practices among women (what we now treat as "factoids") made the second book appear entirely similar to the first (by this time both books had become fused in the public mind and in the media as the "Kinsey Reports").

Contrary to this view, it is evident from a careful reading of the book on women that Kinsey had moved from his thinking in the book on men to a more nuanced view of sexuality. The book on men is severely masculinist in its perspective, using men's sexual lives as the primary model for what is considered to be sexually normal. The sexuality of the human male was characterized by novelty in practices, variety in partners, a quick and urgent response to sexual stimuli, and a search for orgasm as the primary source of sexual pleasure. Sexual Behavior in the Human Female, based on approximately 6000 interviews, is a retreat, at least in part, from all of these assumptions. Two important changes in Kinsey's thinking are apparent: women and men are more alike in the biology of their sexuality than he had previously thought, and women's sexuality and, on suitable reflection, men's sexuality seemed shaped, not merely repressed, by social and cultural forces. Increasingly, it was clear that the two books were works of social science, not biology.

The negative reaction to Kinsey and his works in the 1950s frightened off providers of funding and researchers in the field of sex research. As a consequence, the Kinsey studies were used as flawed report cards on sexual life in the United States well into the era of AIDS. The studies were particularly deficient in their sampling methods, and it was obvious to researchers at the time that they did not accurately measure the sexual life of American women and men. As science, they were important first steps but incomplete in scope and method. The findings were limited to white, better educated, less religious, and largely youthful women and men from the northeastern United States who volunteered to be interviewed about their sexual lives. We now know that the effect of volunteer respondents was to inflate the reported levels of some aspects of sexual behavior. The interview schedule and the interviewing were of high quality, but they could not correct for biases in sampling.

A proper historical understanding of Kinsey's purposes should focus on his explicit desire to understand sexuality by using objective tools of science and on his scarcely concealed desire to reform what he saw as the repressive character of sexual life in the United States during the period before the Second World War. This goal of sexual reform was scarcely unique to Kinsey -- only his scientific methods and the connection he made between science and sexual reform were special. The findings from Kinsey's work and the attitudes the work expressed quickly filtered into reformist groups that strove to change laws about sexual behavior, to free public speech about sexuality, to advance family planning through birth control, to promote sex education, and to reduce what they saw as hypocrisy about sexuality in American culture.

The association of Kinsey with sexual reform has recently made him the target, both as a scientist and a man, of attacks by conservative groups. John Bancroft, the current director of the institute that Kinsey founded, has written a spirited and important defense of Kinsey in the introduction to the reprinted edition of Sexual Behavior in the Human Female.

The third reprinted book is quite different from the other two, but it emphasizes the continuing utility to historians of the entire collection of Kinsey's interviews. This book presents the marginal tabulations of all of the interviews gathered by Kinsey and his colleagues (including those conducted after Kinsey's death in 1956) and makes them more useful by excluding certain groups that surely skewed the findings of the original report on men. Funding from the National Institute of Mental Health in the early 1960s presented an opportunity for all the 17,500 original interviews to be placed on computer tape. Of these interviews, 14,000 are treated as a "basic" sample of persons who were noncriminal; those of persons with criminal histories are treated separately. In addition, a separate sample of persons with extensive homosexual histories was selected from both the criminal and basic samples.

Kinsey and his works are now part of the story of the "American Century." Sensitive use of the archived interviews by historians as well as Kinsey's own life and views may offer us further insight into the sexual aspects of that story and the ways in which our sexual past has shaped our sexual present.

Reviewed by John Gagnon, Ph.D.

作者简介

Alfred Charles Kinsey (June 23, 1894 – August 25, 1956), was an American biologist and professor of entomology and zoology, who in 1947 founded the Institute for Research in Sex, Gender and Reproduction at Indiana University, now called the Kinsey Institute for Research in Sex, Gender, and Reproduction. Kinsey's research on human sexuality profoundly influenced social and cultural values in the United States and many other countries.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alfred_Kinsey

目录信息

读后感

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1938年,美国印地安那大学的女联会要求学校为已经订婚、结婚或准备结婚的学生开设“人类性学”课程,因为他们除了从地下渠道购买色情书外,没有任何方法获知正确的性知识。受过哈佛大学训练的生物学家阿尔弗莱德·金赛被选中。金赛为准备课程搜集资料时发现,当时极少量的关于...

评分

1938年,美国印地安那大学的女联会要求学校为已经订婚、结婚或准备结婚的学生开设“人类性学”课程,因为他们除了从地下渠道购买色情书外,没有任何方法获知正确的性知识。受过哈佛大学训练的生物学家阿尔弗莱德·金赛被选中。金赛为准备课程搜集资料时发现,当时极少量的关于...

评分

1938年,美国印地安那大学的女联会要求学校为已经订婚、结婚或准备结婚的学生开设“人类性学”课程,因为他们除了从地下渠道购买色情书外,没有任何方法获知正确的性知识。受过哈佛大学训练的生物学家阿尔弗莱德·金赛被选中。金赛为准备课程搜集资料时发现,当时极少量的关于...

评分

1938年,美国印地安那大学的女联会要求学校为已经订婚、结婚或准备结婚的学生开设“人类性学”课程,因为他们除了从地下渠道购买色情书外,没有任何方法获知正确的性知识。受过哈佛大学训练的生物学家阿尔弗莱德·金赛被选中。金赛为准备课程搜集资料时发现,当时极少量的关于...

评分

1938年,美国印地安那大学的女联会要求学校为已经订婚、结婚或准备结婚的学生开设“人类性学”课程,因为他们除了从地下渠道购买色情书外,没有任何方法获知正确的性知识。受过哈佛大学训练的生物学家阿尔弗莱德·金赛被选中。金赛为准备课程搜集资料时发现,当时极少量的关于...

用户评价

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这本书的封面设计就给我一种非常强烈的年代感,那种厚重的纸张质感和略微泛黄的排版,瞬间把我拉回了上世纪中叶的学术氛围里。我原本以为这会是一本枯燥乏味的教科书,但翻开之后才发现,作者的叙事方式非常引人入胜。他没有直接抛出那些冷冰冰的统计数字和实验数据,而是像一位经验丰富的社会观察家,娓娓道来关于人类男性性行为的种种复杂面向。书中对不同文化背景下,性观念的演变有着深入的剖析,这部分内容让我印象尤为深刻。我记得有一章专门探讨了青春期男性性心理的微妙变化,作者的笔触细腻而富有同理心,完全不像是在描绘一个抽象的研究对象,更像是在记录一群活生生的人的内心挣扎与探索。特别是他对于社会规范如何潜移默化地塑造个体行为模式的论述,极大地拓宽了我对“正常”与“异常”的界限的理解。阅读过程中,我时常会停下来,对照着自己生活中的一些观察和经验去反思,这本书提供的理论框架,提供了一个非常坚实的基础,来审视那些我们习以为常却从未深究的社会现象。它不只是在陈述事实,更是在引导读者进行一场深层次的自我对话和文化反思。整本书读下来,感觉像是完成了一次漫长而充实的田野调查,收获远超预期。

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这是一本需要反复研读的书,因为它不是那种读完一遍就能完全消化的快餐读物。书中的图表和统计分析部分,虽然专业,但作者非常细心地提供了详尽的背景解释,确保即便是对统计学不太熟悉的读者也能理解其核心论点。令我赞叹的是,作者在处理关于“变异”或“非典型”行为的研究时所展现出的极高职业道德。他没有使用带有偏见的语言来标签化任何群体,而是致力于理解这些行为在特定环境下的功能和意义。我尤其关注了书中关于“社会角色的冲突”如何投射到性表达上的章节。作者通过大量来自不同社会阶层和职业背景的个体案例,构建了一个多维度的模型,解释了个体如何在维护社会角色期待和满足内在需求之间进行艰难的平衡。这本书的叙事结构非常严密,逻辑链条环环相扣,从宏观的社会结构到微观的个体经验,层层递进,逻辑严密得像一座精密的钟表。它迫使你不仅要思考“他们做了什么”,更要深究“他们为什么会选择以这种方式存在”。

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这本书的阅读体验,与其说是在学习知识,不如说是在进行一场智力上的冒险。作者的文字功底极为深厚,即便是翻译版本,也依然能感受到其行文的张力和思想的锐度。我最欣赏的一点是,这本书没有试图给出一个万能的、一劳永逸的答案。相反,它展示了人类性行为的无限复杂性和情境依赖性。在探讨不同年龄段的性满足感变化时,作者引入了生命周期理论,将性行为视为个体发展历程中的一个动态变量,而不是一个固定的生理事件。这种动态的、发展的视角,极大地提升了本书的学术价值。它挑战了那种认为性需求在某个年龄后就会“稳定”下来的简单假设。整本书的行文节奏把握得非常好,在关键的理论节点处会进行详尽的论证和回顾,确保读者不会在复杂的论述中迷失方向。它更像是一本智慧的地图集,标记出了无数可能的路径,但最终选择哪一条,依然取决于读者自身的审视与判断。这是一部真正能够改变你看待人类自身行为方式的里程碑式的作品。

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坦白讲,初次接触这本书的标题时,我内心是有些抗拒的,总觉得这类主题的研究难免落入猎奇或低俗的窠臼。然而,这本书完全颠覆了我的刻板印象。它的语言风格极其冷静、精准,充满了逻辑的力量,几乎没有使用任何煽动性的词汇。作者仿佛是一位冷峻的外科医生,用最精确的手术刀,剖析着人类行为的复杂结构。我感受最深的是其中关于“禁忌与开放”之间微妙张力的分析。作者通过对比不同历史时期对某些特定行为的法律和道德评判的巨大反差,清晰地展示了性规范的流动性和易变性。这种跨越时间轴的比较研究,让人对“永恒不变的人性”这一概念产生了深刻的怀疑。书中对社会压力如何影响个体自我认知的部分,尤其触动我。它让我们意识到,我们今天所认为的“本能”,其实是经过了无数次社会筛选和调整后的产物。这本书的价值在于,它提供了一个后现代的视角,让我们能够以一种批判性的眼光,去审视那些被我们视为理所当然的“自然法则”。读完后,我不再轻易用简单的“好”或“坏”来评判任何现象,而是倾向于去探究其背后的权力结构和历史动因。

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我得说,这本书的学术严谨性是毋庸置疑的,但更让我惊喜的是其内在蕴含的哲学思辨的深度。许多社会科学的著作,在追求数据和证据的同时,往往会失掉对“人性”这种核心议题的关注。然而,这本书的作者显然是一位深谙此道的智者。他没有沉溺于对生理机制的机械式描述,而是巧妙地将生物学基础置于更宏大的社会建构和历史变迁的背景之下进行审视。书中关于“欲望的社会化”这一概念的阐述,简直是点睛之笔。它不仅仅是描述了男性如何表达他们的性欲,更是探讨了这种表达的**形式**和**意义**是如何被时代和地域所塑形的。我特别欣赏作者在引用案例时的克制与客观,他似乎有一种能力,可以将最私密、最敏感的话题,处理得既尊重个体的独特性,又不失群体研究的普适性。阅读体验就像是在走一条铺满鹅卵石的小路,每一步都充满了细节和纹理,需要你慢下来去感受脚下的质地。对于那些对社会学、人类学交叉领域感兴趣的读者来说,这本书提供了一个绝佳的范本,展示了如何将硬核研究与人文关怀完美地融合在一起,使严肃的学术著作也能够散发出温暖而富有洞察力的光芒。

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