The three years covered by this anthology represent the only time in Mikhail Bakunin's life when he was able to concentrate on his work and sustain a consistent output of speeches and writings. Only one of these texts has appeared before in an unabridged English translation. All dating from the period of Bakunin's propaganda on behalf of the First International, they thus belong to a period central to Bakunin's anarchism and mark the height of his influence during his lifetime.
Robert M. Cutler's introduction traces the development of selected themes in Bakunin's pre-anarchist though-beginning with his acquaintanceship with German idealist philosophy-through his anarchist period. In this way it reconstructs Bakunin's concept of the role of the International in the revolutionary movement and provides a new interpretation of his theory and practice of revolutionary organization. The chronology and annotated bibliography make this collection an ideal introduction to Bakunin and a useful reference work for specialists.
Mikhail Alexandrovich Bakunin (Russian: Михаи́л Алекса́ндрович Баку́нин; IPA: [mʲɪxɐˈil ˌbaˈkunʲin]; 30 May [O.S. 18 May] 1814 – 1 July 1876) was a well-known Russian revolutionary and theorist of collectivist anarchism. He has also often been called the father of anarchist theory in general. Bakunin grew up near Moscow, where he moved to study philosophy and began to read the French Encyclopedists, leading to enthusiasm for the philosophy of Fichte. From Fichte, Bakunin went on to immerse himself in the works of Hegel, the most influential thinker among German intellectuals at the time. That led to his wholehearted embrace of Hegelianism, as he became bedazzled by Hegel's famous maxim; "Everything that exists is rational". In 1840 Bakunin traveled to St. Petersburg and Berlin, preparing himself for a professorship in philosophy or history at the University of Moscow.
Bakunin moved from Berlin, in 1842, to Dresden. Eventually he arrived in Paris, where he met George Sand, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Karl Marx. He was eventually deported from France for speaking against Russia's oppression of Poland. In 1849 he was apprehended in Dresden for his participation in the Czech rebellion of 1848. He was turned over to Russia where he was imprisoned in Peter-Paul Fortress in Saint Petersburg. He remained there until 1857, when he was exiled to a work camp in Siberia. Escaping to Japan, the USA and finally ending up in London for a short time, he worked with Herzen on the journal Kolokol ("The Bell"). In 1863, he left to join the insurrection in Poland, but he failed to reach his destination and spent some time in Switzerland and Italy. Despite his criminal status, Bakunin gained great influence with the youth in Russia, and all of Europe. In 1870, he was involved in the insurrection in Lyon, which foreshadowed the Paris Commune.
In 1868, Bakunin joined the International Working Men's Association, a federation of trade union organizations with sections in most European countries. The 1872 Hague Congress was dominated by a struggle between Marx and his followers who argued for parliamentary electoral participation and a faction around Bakunin who opposed it. Bakunin's faction lost the vote, and he was eventually expelled for supposedly maintaining a secret organisation within the international. The anarchists insisted the congress was rigged, and so held their own conference of the International at Saint-Imier in Switzerland in 1872. From 1870 to 1876, he wrote much of his seminal work such as Statism and Anarchy and God and the State. Despite his declining health, he tried to take part in an insurrection in Bologna, but was forced to return to Switzerland in disguise, and settled in Lugano. He remained active in the worker's movement of Europe until further health problems caused him to be moved to a hospital in Bern, where he died in 1876.
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这本书的编排方式,虽然是按照时间线索梳理的,但阅读体验却更像是一场思想的螺旋上升。从最初对国际工人运动的构想,到后来与马克思主义阵营的公开决裂,这些文稿清晰地勾勒出巴枯宁思想演变的关键节点。他对于“国家”这个概念的解构,是全书最引人入胜的部分之一。他不像许多同时代的思想家那样,试图用一套新的蓝图来取代旧的建筑,而是彻底地主张拆除地基。这种彻底性令人既敬畏又不安。阅读这些文字时,我不断地在脑海中构建一张复杂的思维地图,试图追踪他如何从对泛斯拉夫主义的早期关注,过渡到他对所有形式的权威的无差别攻击。尤其是在他阐述“自由”的概念时,那种将个体自由置于一切之上的决心,让人不得不重新定义我们对“社会”和“组织”的理解。这本书的价值,不在于提供了一个清晰可行的社会模型,而在于它提供了一种看待世界、质疑既成事实的全新、极端的视角。
评分坦率地说,初次接触这些文本,需要一个适应的过程。巴枯宁的表达方式,特别是对于宗教和国家的批判,带着一种强烈的、毫不留情的倾向性。这些论述的力度之大,很容易让人联想到一种“纯粹的破坏欲”。然而,当你深入挖掘其背后的伦理基础时,你会发现,这种破坏欲,实则是一种对生命力和真正人性的极致捍卫。他笔下的“自由”,不是放任自流,而是一种基于互助和自愿联合的积极状态。我特别留意了他在回应不同政治流派时的论战片段,那些交锋充满了那个时代特有的尖锐和不留情面,让人体会到意识形态斗争的残酷与纯粹。这本书的吸引力在于它的“非对称性”——它用最朴素的语言,挑战了最复杂的政治结构。对于那些对政治哲学史感兴趣,尤其是想了解第二国际早期权力斗争内幕的人,这些选段无疑是第一手的、充满热情的口述历史资料。
评分这部选集最让我感到震撼的,或许是它所散发出的那种“未完成感”。巴枯宁的许多论断都是在运动的高潮或冲突的漩涡中写就的,因此它们不是终结,而是催化剂。它们仿佛是历史进程中的一个强力脉冲,推动着事件的发展,而不是对既有结果的总结。我反复咀嚼那些关于“被压迫者的本能”的论述,那是一种对人民内在能动性的信任,这种信任在后来的许多革命理论中被稀释或遗忘了。这本书的语言风格是如此的直接,几乎没有冗余的装饰,每一个段落都像是在为即将到来的行动做最后的动员。它迫使读者去面对一个基本问题:我们所寻求的解放,究竟是权力结构的更迭,还是人性自身的彻底重塑?阅读它,就像是穿越回一个信仰比理性更具决定性力量的时代,去感受那种纯粹的、不加掩饰的革命意志。它不是一本让你安坐阅读的书,它更像是一份邀请,邀请你去质疑你所拥有的一切安稳。
评分这本汇集了米哈伊尔·巴枯宁在1869年至1871年间文稿的选集,简直是一剂思想上的强心针,尤其对于那些对激进政治哲学抱有好奇心的读者来说。我花了相当长的时间沉浸在这些文本的字里行间,被其思想的纯粹性和穿透力所震撼。巴枯宁的论述并非那种温吞水式的学术探讨,而是充满了火焰般的激情和不容置疑的断言。他对于国家权力的蔑视,那种近乎本能的反抗,深刻地触及了现代社会结构的核心矛盾。阅读的过程,与其说是在获取知识,不如说是在经历一场精神上的洗礼,仿佛被拉入了一个充满革命热情的时代洪流之中,耳边充斥着对旧秩序的愤怒呐喊和对未来自由社会的炽热憧憬。那些关于普鲁士模式的批判,关于集体主义与个人自由之间微妙且常常是危险的平衡的论述,至今读来依然振聋发聩。那些早期的社会主义者和无政府主义者是如何在那个信息相对闭塞的年代,构建起如此复杂而又充满生命力的思想体系,令人不禁深思。这本书就像是一面棱镜,折射出那个动荡年代政治光谱中最尖锐、最不妥协的那一端,对于想要理解西方激进左翼思想源流的爱好者而言,它提供的视角是无可替代的。
评分当我翻开这本书时,最大的感受就是那股扑面而来的、未经修饰的原始力量。这并非那种经过后世精心编纂、逻辑严密的哲学著作,它更像是一位斗士在战斗间隙写下的笔记和檄文,充满了即时的、强烈的反应色彩。巴枯宁的句子常常是排比句式的爆发,语调高昂,仿佛能透过纸面听到他掷地有声的辩论。我尤其欣赏他对“革命行动”的强调,那不是空谈,而是身体力行的信念。这种论述方式,虽然在某些当代读者看来可能显得过于情绪化或不够严谨,但正是这种“不加掩饰”才赋予了这些文字强大的感染力。它迫使我们停下来审视,我们所接受的既有秩序,究竟是多么脆弱地建立在暴力和强制之上。尽管这些篇章的时代背景是十九世纪的欧洲,但其对等级制度和集权弊端的洞察,穿越时空,依然能精准地击中当代社会的痛点。对于那些厌倦了政治辞令的空洞和温和派的妥协,寻求更彻底解放思想的人来说,这本书无疑是一剂强效的清醒剂。
评分很有思想的宣傳單~
评分很有思想的宣傳單~
评分很有思想的宣傳單~
评分很有思想的宣傳單~
评分很有思想的宣傳單~
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