Review
"A rich collection of challenging studies that, in addition ot supplying useful data on the performance of democratic institutions in a variety of settings, gives us a good example of how collaborative, cross-national explanatory research can be conducted." -- Journal of Politics
Product Description
The fate of democratic governments throughout the world is a topic of growing concern. The crises of modern history, from the Machtergreifung by Hitler through the downfall of democracies. In a systematic review of the political experiences of Latin American and European democratic nations, these original, thought-provoking books propose a significant new comparative framework for understanding the dynamics of political change and the conditions necessary for democratic stability.
Juan José Linz (24 December 1926 – 1 October 2013) was a Spanish sociologist and political scientist. He was Sterling Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Yale University and an honorary member of the Scientific Council at the Juan March Institute. He is best known for his theories on totalitarian and authoritarian systems of government.
Linz was born in Bonn, Germany. In addition to his work on systems of government, he did extensive research on the breakdowns of democracy and the transition back to a democratic regime. He is the author of many works on the subject, including Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996, co-authored with Alfred Stepan), his seminal work Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes (Rienner, 2000) and his influential essay 'The Perils of Presidentialism'.
Alfred Stepan is Wallace Sayre Professor of Government, the founding Director of the Center for the Study of Democracy, Toleration, and Religion (CDTR), and the Co-Director of the Institute for Religion, Culture, and Public Life (IRCPL). In 2012 he was the recipient of the Karl Deutsch Award of the International Political Science Association. The last three recipients of this award were Juan J. Linz (2003), Charles Tilly (2006), and Giovanni Sartori (2009).
Previously, Stepan was the founding Rector and President of Central European University in Budapest, Prague, and Warsaw, the former Director of the Concilium on International and Area Studies at Yale University, and Dean of the School of International Affairs at Columbia University. Stepan was also Gladstone Professor of Government at the University of Oxford and a Fellow Of All Souls College, Oxford.
Stepan's teaching and research interests include comparative politics, theories of democratic transitions, federalism, and the world's religious systems and democracy. In recent years, Stepan has conducted field research in Indonesia, Sri Lanka, Burma, Egypt, Tunisia, India, Brazil, Israel, and Palestine, among other countries. Stepan’s publications in the last three years include Crafting State Nations: India and Other Multinational Democracies, with Juan J. Linz and Yogendra Yadav; “Comparative Perspectives on Inequality and the Quality of Democracy in the United States” with Juan J. Linz in Perspectives on Politics (December 2011); “Tunisia’s Transition and the Twin Tolerations” in Journal of Democracy (April 2012); ““Rituals of Respect: Sufis and Secularists in Senegal in Comparative Perspective” in Comparative Politics (July 2012) “ Democratization Theory and the ‘Arab Spring’”, Journal of Democracy ( April 2013), (with Linz), “Democratic Parliamentary Monarchies, ” Journal of Democracy ( April 2014), ( with Linz and Minoves),and the co-editorship of Democracy& Islam in Indonesia (with Mirjam Künkler), Boundaries of Toleration ( with Charles Taylor), and Democracy, Islam and Secularism: Turkey in Comparative Perspective ( with Ahmet Kuru).
Some of his other books include Arguing Comparative Politics (Oxford 2001);Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe, with J. J. Linz (Johns Hopkins 1996);Rethinking Military Politics: Brazil and the Southern Cone (Princeton 1988); The Breakdown of Democratic Regimes, edited with Juan J. Linz (Johns Hopkins 1978); The State and Society: Peru in Comparative Perspective(Princeton 1978); and The Military in Politics: Changing Patterns in Brazil(Princeton 1971).
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坦白讲,这本书的文字风格非常凝练,读起来有点挑战性,但绝对是物有所值的。作者的语言充满了学术的张力和思想的密度,每一个句子似乎都经过了反复的锤炼,没有一句是多余的。这要求读者必须集中全部注意力,否则很容易跟不上作者的思维跳跃。不过,一旦你进入了那种节奏,你会体验到一种智力上的巨大满足感。这本书的侧重点似乎在于对“系统性失败”的解构,它没有过多地渲染个人的英雄主义或阴谋论,而是将焦点放在制度本身的脆弱性上。这种冷静、近乎冷酷的观察,反而让人感到一种别样的真实。它就像一个高倍显微镜,将社会政治肌理的每一个微小裂痕都清晰地呈现在我们面前,毫不留情。对于那些寻求真正硬核分析而非轻松阅读体验的读者来说,这本书是不可多得的佳作。
评分我是在一个朋友的极力推荐下开始阅读这本著作的,当时我其实对政治学领域了解不多,抱着试试看的心态。结果,这本书完全颠覆了我对政治分析的想象。它最吸引我的地方在于其跨学科的视野,作者似乎毫不费力地将历史学、社会学乃至一些经济学的模型都引入到对政治现象的解读中。读起来的感觉,就像是同时听了好几位相位相性极佳的教授在为你进行一场精彩的学术研讨会。书中关于社会动员和精英共谋的部分尤其精彩,它揭示了那些看似随机的政治事件背后,隐藏着的长期积累的社会张力是如何被偶然事件点燃的。这本书的论述结构非常清晰,逻辑链条完整严密,即使是像我这样的半路出家者,也能大致跟上作者的思路,并从中受益匪浅。它提供了一种全新的框架,让我开始用更系统、更宏观的视角去看待我们周遭发生的一切。
评分我得说,这本书的学术深度绝对值得点赞。它不像市面上很多流行的政治解读读物那样肤浅,而是真正深入到了政治科学的核心议题中。作者似乎对各种学派的观点都有所涉猎,并且能够很自然地将不同的理论视角融合起来,构建出一个多维度的分析框架。阅读过程中,我时常会停下来,细细琢磨那些精妙的逻辑推导和脚注中的引文。尤其是对“合法性危机”的探讨,简直是教科书级别的论述。它不仅仅停留在描述“发生了什么”,更重要的是解释了“为什么会发生”以及“可能导致什么后果”。这种层面的分析,对于希望进行严肃学术研究或者高阶政策分析的人来说,简直是宝藏。它迫使读者跳出自己已有的认知舒适区,去面对那些复杂且常常令人不适的政治现实。这本书的价值在于,它不仅提供了答案,更重要的是,它教会了我们如何提出更深刻的问题。
评分这本书真是引人入胜,我最近读完后,感觉对当代政治格局有了更深刻的理解。作者的叙事手法非常高超,能将复杂的政治理论用生动的故事娓娓道来,让人在阅读过程中几乎没有枯燥感。尤其是关于权力转移和政治体制演变的章节,分析得极其透彻。他们似乎有着一种独特的洞察力,能够穿透表面的政治喧嚣,直达权力运作的核心机制。我特别欣赏作者在处理历史案例时的严谨态度,每一个论断都有坚实的史料支撑,绝非空泛的理论说教。这本书的结构安排也十分巧妙,从宏观的理论框架过渡到具体的个案分析,层层递进,使得读者可以逐步建立起自己的分析体系。读完之后,我发现自己看新闻时的视角都发生了微妙的变化,不再满足于表面的新闻报道,而是开始主动探究背后的深层结构性因素。这本书无疑为那些希望深入理解现代政治运行逻辑的读者提供了一张清晰的地图,指引我们如何在迷雾重重的政治信息中找到方向。
评分这本书带给我最大的震撼,在于它对“常态”的重新定义。我们通常认为稳定的政治状态是理所当然的,但作者却将大量的笔墨用于探讨秩序是如何崩塌的,以及那些看似坚不可摧的结构是如何在不知不觉中被侵蚀的。这种对不确定性的深入挖掘,让人在阅读过程中始终保持一种警醒。它不是一本让人读完后感觉“一切都会好起来”的书,相反,它更像是一剂清醒剂,让你直面政治生活中的内在矛盾和结构性缺陷。我尤其喜欢作者在描述历史转折点时的那种史诗感,仿佛能触摸到历史的脉搏,感受到变革前夕那种无形的巨大压力。这本书的行文风格充满了力量感,用词精准有力,充满了对既有观念的挑战欲。它不是一本让你舒服地接受信息的书,而是一本逼着你去思考、去质疑的硬核之作。对于任何对政治哲学和当代社会演变有严肃关切的人来说,这本书都是必读的。
评分极其晦涩难懂。。
评分被极化摧毁的智利民主制度,让人扼腕叹息。
评分极其晦涩难懂。。
评分被极化摧毁的智利民主制度,让人扼腕叹息。
评分从结构性因素上看,智利的政治体制高度极化,这意味着很难有稳定及具有权威的统治集团。另一方面,智利的体制由伴随着各个制度分支独立化的倾向,更削弱了中央的权威。这些分化倾向则进一步被各类利益集团的俘获加重了。从个人角色的角度看,阿莱德推行的激进的社会主义政策加剧了以上政治结构所带来的负面效应,不当政策、单一产业结构和国际因素所带来的国内经济危机则进一步削弱了阿莱德政府的对政治力量和社会的控制能力,同时加剧了其与在国会的反对派的矛盾。因此,军队变成了介入这个政治真空的主要角色,智利军队把自己当做宪法的护卫者,推翻了绩效不佳的政府。相比创建民主制度,想要维系民主制度则更困难,这是已经在80s就有的民主崩溃的政治学。
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